Evidences of Case Iran

Case No. 16/2016:



Presented by the Prosecutor Master Yan Maitri-Shi



After legitimating the Proofs, Evidences and Charges on the part of Buddhist Master Maitreya, President and Spiritual Guide of IBEC-BTHR, it is addressed the case against the government of Iran, having been carried out an extensive investigation as from the public denunciation made by the Argentinean Prosecutor Alberto Nisman.


Therefore, a range of EVIDENCES which support the aforementioned Charges are detailed in order that the Jury members decide about the “Responsibility” or “Innocence” of the accused party. Such evidences are coming from graphic and audiovisual media that have been gathered, sorted and confirmed in their order and context as Means of Proof in order to know, establish, dictate and determine the Responsibility of the Accused party for the commission of the abovementioned Charges. This investigation was initiated from the public denunciation of Terrorism that was made by the prosecutor Alberto Nisman in the field of Argentine Justice.




Case 16, 2016: Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran, President Hassan Rouhani and Supreme Leader Sayyed Ali Hosseini Khamenei








































Evidence 1: ECOCIDE

Avi Asher-Schapiro from Vice News: “The air in the Iranian capital of Tehran has gotten so hazardous, the government is now canceling school, banning outdoor sports, and urging all who can to stay inside (…) Tehran’s air quality index hovered around 159 (…) which is more than three times the World Health Organization’s advised maximum of between 0 and 50. Iranian media reported that in an area in northeastern Tehran, the index rose as high as 238. With pollution that bad, WHO advises that people in Tehran avoid breathing outside air unless they absolutely have to. (…) Iran’s capital city have been dangerously high, forcing many to wear masks or avoid going outdoors. And for the past six years, the air quality in Iran has gotten worse. This is largely because US sanctions against Iran have limited its supply of refined fuel, forcing the country to burn low-quality diesel. Tehran authorities reported last year that 270 people die daily of respiratory disease, heart trouble, and other pollution-related sicknesses. (…) According to WHO, Ahwaz is the most polluted city on earth. (…) As the pollution crisis intensifies, members of the country’s political class are pointing fingers at each other, with different branches of government blaming others for the filthy air” https://news.vice.com/article/air-pollution-is-causing-iran-to-cancel-soccer-games-and-keep-kids-home-from-school


International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran: “The air pollution in Tehran has reached lethal levels. According to Hassan Aqajani, an advisor to Iran’s Health Minister, air pollution caused 4,460 deaths in Tehran in the Persian calendar year 1390, spanning March 2011 to March 2012. The production of low-grade gasoline, which is high in carcinogens and poses serious respiratory and cardiac risks to the citizenry, is a major contributor to the problem. The director of Tehran’s air quality monitoring services, Youssef Rashidi, noted that the level of carcinogens in Iranian-produced gasoline is more than double that recommended by international standards. Based on Euro 4 standard the amount of carcinogens in petrol should be less than one percent but the level of our domestically-produced petrol is between two and three percent, Rashidi said in remarks reported by Agence France Presse in January 2013.”[1]


The Huffington Post: “Iran’s state TV says Tehran’s schools, universities and government offices will be closed for two days because of high air pollution in the capital.” http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/12/03/iran-air-pollution_n_2231106.html


Human Rights Activists in Iran: “The right to stay healthy (or the Right to Health) is inextricably linked with the right to life (the first generation of human rights) and also associated with health and social security. In addition, the right to have a healthy environment, which is one of the third generation of human rights, is related to the right to stay healthy. The right to health can be considered as a link between different generations of human rights. This right has been comprehensively defined in the Article 12 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. According to the paragraph 2 of this article, the countries that are bound to this Convention need to adopt the measures to meet the objectives of this convention. In addition, two documents – Article 24 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child and Article 5 of the Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination- and Articles 11 and 12 of the Convention that prohibits discrimination against women in the world have been considered in this right. (…) One of the most notable reports in the area of health was the news about increasing cancer incidents in Tehran due to air pollution and food pollution including the cooking oil as well as polluted gasoline and satellite parasites. Moreover, there were warnings about the risk of groundwater pollution in Tehran with the sewage of Parand and Pardis. (…) Moreover, the Head of the Mazandaran Food association warned about the possibility of contamination of 70 tons of bulk milk in the province with brucellosis. He said: veterinary organization, standards, Organization of Industry, Mine and Trade and Agriculture ministry have no control on this industry. (…) The right to have a healthy environment is a fundamental right in a series of human rights (third generation). Specific attention to this right has driven recognition of civil and political, economic, cultural and social rights capacities. The right to a healthy environment is one essential element of the right to life, the right to a standard of living, the right to health, right to clean air, the right to cultural interests. (…) Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Economic, Social and Cultural Covenant that Iran is bound to comply also includes the right to a healthy environment. (…) In the category of environmental rights violations, 54 reports have been reported that concerns violations of rights of 2633 citizens. (…) There were several reports in this category about the air pollution in Tehran, Ahvaz and Illam, which has resulted in 500% cancer growth. Also, 4,000 annual deaths have been reported in different reports due to air pollution in Tehran. (…) The severity of air pollution in the country has affected the lives of 30 million Iranians. In addition to air pollution, the pollution of the Caspian Sea and contamination of ground water resources in the country should be added to this category. Moreover, forests and wild life condition were not encouraging because several wildfire and wildlife death have been reported.”[2]


The Huffington Post: “Iran’s Health Ministry has issued a warning for people with respiratory and heart ailments to stay at home. The same goes for the elderly and children. The health advisory also recommended surgical masks for taxi drivers and others who must be outside.” http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2010/12/02/tehran-air-pollution-keep_n_791093.html


Financial Tribune quoted from The Iran Project Blog: “Mehdi Chamran, head of the Tehran City Council (…) claimed that “between 150 and 180 people” die every day in Tehran due to air pollution, before criticizing a decision made by the DOE’s committee to combat air pollution to shut cement factories and asphalt plants around Tehran for a week. (…) According to statistics published in 2012, approximately 4,400 people die prematurely in Tehran due to air pollution every year. This is while the figures quoted by Chamran would mean that at the least 54,750 Tehranis die every year because of poor air quality. (…) The World Health Organization says 80,000 pollution-caused deaths happen in Iran every year.” http://theiranproject.com/blog/2015/12/28/pollution-casualty-report-denied/


[Yan Maitri-Shi: In this article by The Iran Project, it can be seen the pollution over Tehran, Iran. Here there are some photos showing the heavy layer of smog.] http://theiranproject.com/blog/2015/12/19/photos-tehran-schools-close-down-due-to-air-pollution/


The Iran Project Blog, quoted from Islamic Republic News Agency: “In the mornings, the sun has been barely visible owing to the city’s smog.” http://theiranproject.com/blog/2015/12/19/tehran-schools-close-down-due-to-air-pollution/, http://theiranproject.com/blog/2015/12/19/tehran-schools-close-down-due-to-air-pollution/


News article by Iran Times: “The World Health Organization (WHO), a specialized agency of the UN, issued its first tabulation Monday of air pollution in 1,082 cities. It used one measure—the volume of particulate matter in the air with a diameter of 10 microns or less per cubic meter, known in the pollution business as PM10. There are many other elements of air pollution, but PM10 measures one of the most harmful. Particulate matter is largely sulfur dioxide and nitrogen dioxide from auto exhausts and industry.
Low quality gasoline and unregulated industry are suspected of being the major causes of PM10s in Iran. (…) Of the dirtiest 10 cities in the world, four are in Iran—Ahvaz, Sanandaj, Kermanshah and Yasuj.”  http://iran-times.com/iran-has-most-polluted-cities-in-world/


Thomas Erdbrink (New York Times): “For nearly a week, officials here and in other large cities have been calling on residents to remain indoors or avoid downtown areas, saying that with air pollution at such high levels, venturing outside could be tantamount to “suicide,” state radio reported Saturday. (…) Residents who dare to go outside cover their mouths and noses with scarves or surgical masks, but their eyes tear up and their throats sting from the mist of pollutants, which a report by the municipality of Tehran says is made up of a mixture of particles containing lead, sulfur dioxide and benzene. (…) Iran is prominently represented in the World Health Organization’s 2011 report on air quality and health, with three of its provincial towns among the organization’s list of the world’s 10 most-polluted cities. According to the report, Tehran has roughly four times as many polluting particles per cubic meter as Los Angeles. Many cities known for their poor air quality, like Mexico City, Shanghai and Bangkok, are cleaner than Tehran. (…) But since 2010, when American sanctions on Iranian imports of refined gasoline began to bite, the situation has grown worse, according to the report by the municipality of Tehran. (…) Faced with possible fuel shortages, Iran surprised outsiders by quickly making up for the loss of imports by producing its own brew of gasoline. While the emergency fuel kept vehicles running, local experts warned that it was creating much more pollution. (…) Iran’s Health Ministry has reported a rise in respiratory and heart diseases, as well as an increase in a variety of cancers that it says are related to pollution.”

Niloufar Mohammadi, a university student, said: “My head hurts, and I’m constantly dead tired,” (…) “I try not to go out, but I can smell the pollution in my room as I am trying to study.” http://www.nytimes.com/2013/01/07/world/middleeast/tehran-is-choked-by-annual-buildup-of-air-pollution.html?_r=2


Bryan Walsh (Times): “Here’s the top –or rather bottom– 10: (…) 1. Ahwaz, Iran; 2. Ulan Bator, Mongolia; 3. Sanadaj, Iran; 4. Ludhiana, India; 5. Quetta, Pakistan; 6. Kermanshah, Iran; 7. Peshawar, Pakistan; 8. Gaberone, Botswana; 9. Yasouj, Iran; 10. Kanpor, India (…) The WHO air quality standards recommend 20 micrograms per cu m of PM10 or less. Just to give you an idea of how polluted the world’s most polluted cities are, Ahvaz in Iran has 372 micrograms per cu m.” http://science.time.com/2011/09/27/the-10-most-air-polluted-cities-in-the-world/


Ritchie King and Lily Kuo (Quartz): “As the chart above shows, the cities with the worst air are often not big capitals, but provincial places with heavy industry in them or nearby. Ahwaz, for instance, in southwestern Iran, far outstrips infamously polluted cities like New Delhi or Beijing, with 372 parts per million of particles smaller than 10 micrometers (PM10), compared to the world average of 71. Life expectancy for the city of 1.2 million residents is the lowest in Iran. (…) In Ahwaz, Iranian meteorology officials have blamed the US for the spike, claiming the presence of US forces in Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s destroyed agriculture and caused desertification. But researchers cite heavy industry in and around the city, like oil, metal and petrochemical processing, and blame the desertification on the draining of marshes and a national project that has diverted local water away from the city.” http://qz.com/136606/here-are-the-worlds-worst-cities-for-air-pollution-and-theyre-not-the-ones-youd-expect/


MEHR News Agency: “Adviser to head of Department of Environment has warned about the disturbing rate of deforestation in Iran. (…) Esmail Kahrom who was speaking to Mehr News on the occasion of International Mother Earth Day, said that according to NASA aerial pictures, 1 to 1.5 per cent of Iran’s forests were destroyed”

Esmail Kahrom, Adviser to head of Department of Environment: “with the current deforestation, Iran will have no forest by next 75 to 100 years.” (…) “Issues suffered by wetlands and lakes, and underground water have also roots of water shortage; however, mismanagement and unregulated planning inter alia, depleting wells confound the issue to the point of soil downdrifts and lower underground water levels especially in country’s most arid provinces,” (…) “For years, Iran had been in first or second place in terms of soil erosion; deforestation and turning forests to ranges and cultivable land, and abandoning it after few years of cultivation due to overuse contribute the most to soil erosion,” (…) “water pollution by pollutant such as nitrates and nitrites is a reality, since half of the water used is provided by underground water source, which actively absorbs the chemicals in city wastewater,” http://en.mehrnews.com/news/106786/Deforestation-in-Iran-disturbing-Official


International State Crime Initiative: “Although Ahwaz has huge water resources (about 33% of Iran’s total), the region is suffering from a serious water crisis. The water crisis has been caused by ecological mismanagement of the Karoon River; the largest river flowing through Ahwazi lands. Since the 1979 Iranian revolution, the Karoon has faced more than 400 incidents of serious contamination. In addition to the policy of land confiscation, a parallel policy of water restriction is being practiced against the Ahwazis. Water from the main river courses in Ahwaz such as the Karoon, Al-Karkha and Al-Jarrahi are diverted from their natural flows and pumped into central Persian areas such as Isfahan, Yazd and Kareman for the purpose of irrigation. As a result Arab farmers suffer major water restrictions. Periodically floods are created via the construction of dams known as Arab killer Dams, so named because they have been constructed in order to demolish the infrastructure of Ahwazi Arab villages and their fertile lands. These dams facilitate the displacement of Arab people through the confiscation of their arable lands and demolition of Arab. (…) Sugar cane plantations were established after the Iranian regime forcibly confiscated thousands of hectares of Ahwazi lands. These plantations place heavy demands on water supplies. Furthermore, all the sewerage is dumped untreated into the main River Karoon which supplies all Ahwaz city water. As a result, water becomes contaminated and undrinkable. (…) In terms of suffocating air pollution, Ahwaz outstrips Beijing and Delhi by a long stretch, according to the latest findings of the World Health Organization (WHO), Ahwaz City’s measure of air-born particle matter (PM10) is 372 ug/m3 , a third higher than the world’s second-most polluted city, Mongolia’s capital Ulaanbaatar. It is the only city in the world where average PM10 levels rise above 300 ug/m3. In a new study, WHO reports that Ahwaz has the highest measured level of airborne particles small enough to cause serious health problems in humans. The astonishing level of air pollution has taken its toll on the local persecuted Ahwazi Arab ethnic group. (…) In some cities in Ahwaz such as Falahiyeh (also known as Shadegan) and Khafajia (also known as Sosangerd) people are suffering from unusually high rates of skin, heart, and kidney diseases due to the continued storage and uses of chemical, biological and other related toxic materials remaining from Iran-Iraq war . The government has not taken any action to remediate the situation and in Ahwaz the state hospitals are unhygienic and ill-equipped with insufficient numbers of doctors and medicines leading to an unacceptably high death rate. (…) The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) has officially warned the Iranian Environment Association that the southwest of Iran is facing a situation similar to the environmental catastrophes that have affected the Aral Sea in Central Asia and the Amazon jungle. The region contains extensive marshes and rivers that support endangered species of fish as well as migratory birds. Ahwazi farmers and fishermen also depend on the waters for their livelihoods. (…) But wildlife and human health are being punished the most, with some species of birds and mammals facing extinction in the region and Ahwazi Arabs suffering neurological, respiratory and birth disorders as well as high levels of cancer.” http://statecrime.org/state-crime-research/the-weapon-of-forced-displacement-against-the-indigenous-ahwazi-arabs/


Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board, Canada: “Iran: Information on logging and deforestation, whether these activities have been criticized in the Iranian media, and whether those who have made the criticism were subsequently regarded as anti-régime and severely punished (…) there are two major environment issues in Iran today: the water level of the Caspian Sea and deforestation. The issue of deforestation is well covered in numerous Iranian publications because it represents a major threat to the environment in Iran. The source added that the government is resolved to pursue its policy against the illegal cutting of trees and save the remaining forest.” http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6ab4d20.html


Rainforest News: “According to Khodakaram Jalali, head of the Forest Management Service, during the last 10 years, Iran has lost about 14,000 hectares (around 35,000 acres) of its forests. The reasons for the loss, according to Jalali, were construction projects, mining, fires, diseases, expansion of cities and villages and excessive use.” http://www.salvaleforeste.it/en/deforestation-blog/4003-land-grabbing-in-iran,-khamenei-insorgeland-grabbing-in-iran,-khamenei-insorge-2.html


Morteza Aminmansour (Pars Times): “Land degradation and desertification in Iran have accelerated during recent decades due to the following factors: (…) Population has doubled during last 25 years (since 1979). (…)  More agricultural and pastoral products have forced people to use land extensively or convert forest and rangelands to cultivated land. (…)  Over use of wood and plants as fuel for household cooking and heating and use of natural regulation tends to denude the soil and intensify desertification. (…) Denuded soil is exposed to wind erosion and shifting sand dunes destroy orchards, gardens, farming lands and threaten industrial and economical centers and leads to total collapse of economy, devastation of the environment, abandonment of settlements and migration of people to other cities and residential centers. (…) Irregular and uncoordinated exploitation of water resources” http://www.parstimes.com/environment/desertification_iran.html






Iran 2012 Human Rights Report: “There were numerous reports that the government and its agents committed acts of arbitrary or unlawful killings, including by torture, denial of medical treatment, and beatings” http://www.protectingeducation.org/sites/default/files/documents/hr_report_2.pdf

Maurice Danby Copithorne (1999 UN Commission on Human Rights Report on the Situation on Human Rights in Iran): “According to information received by the Special Representative, Iranian media and Tehran-based foreign wire services reported 138 executions from 1 January 1999 to mid-August 1999. In his report to the General Assembly at its fifty-third session, the Special Representative noted that the Iranian authorities had agreed to cooperate with him in the provision of official statistics on the number of executions. No such statistics have yet reached the Special Representative’s attention. The crimes for which most of the executions were carried out are unknown, although a number of those put to death were said to be supporters of or activists in the illegal opposition Mojahedin Khalq Organization. (…) One of the offences that rarely attract the death sentence is “major economic crimes”. In March 1999, the Tehran press reported that four merchants had been sentenced to death for exporting carpets without declaring their real value.”  https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/393/1999-un-commission-on-human-rights-report-on-the-situation-of-human-rights-in-iran


Iran Human Rights Documentation Center: “By July 1988, prisons through Iran were locked down. Although the exact dates and process varied by prison, prisoners were completely cut off from the outside world and their family members were denied information as to their loved ones’ whereabouts. The authorities barred family visits, telephone calls, and letters; confiscated televisions and radios; restricted access to communal areas; forbade sick inmates vital medicines and visits to the infirmary; and turned away anxious relatives from prison gates with no explanation regarding their loved ones’ situation. (…) The Death Commissions began with the Mojahedin sympathizers. According to some sources, the Commissions simply asked, What is your political affiliation? If the prisoner answered Mojahedin, he was immediately sent away and his name was placed on an execution list. Most, if not all, were executed within a day or two of their interrogation. (…) In Tehran, executions were carried out in Gohar Dasht and Evin prisons, both of which were overcrowded. (…) Amir Atiabi, a Tudeh Party member housed in Ward 20, recalls hearing strange noises that sounded like the dropping of cooking gas containers on the Saturday night after hearing of the NLA invasion. He saw large container trucks pull into the loading dock of the Husseiniyih Hall but he could not see what was being loaded. The noise was repeated several times. Beginning that Saturday, he began marking a calendar every time he heard the sound. (…) He remembers that, on August 3, he discovered that the strange sounds were bodies being dropped into a container truck. By that point, he was counting between 50 and 55 sounds each night. (…) Atiabi and his ward mates also listened to the Death Commission, which initially met in a room that wason the floor above theirs and perpendicular to their ward. They heard the Commission discussing the fatwa and how to implement it. The Commissioners discussed what to do if the prisoners lied about their real beliefs. For a few days, Atiabi and his cellmates listened to the Death Commission, before it moved to another location. (…) They also overheard discussions on the technicalities of hanging prisoners. One of the Commissioners explained his experience of using a crane to hang several prisoners. They later learned from prisoners who returned to write their wills and put their belongings in plastic bags, that prisoners were called six at a time to come forward to be hung. Atiabi recalls that after overhearing the Death Commission, they knew that Mojahedin supporters were being executed. (…) There are few accounts of the interrogation and execution of Mojahedin prisoners in Evin because so few survived. One former prisoner, imprisoned in Evin from 1986 to 1991, reported that nearly 90% of those killed at Evin were executed during the first ten days of the massacre.[3] (…) In 1989, the U.N. Special Representative to Iran reported on allegations of executions by families of female Mojahedin prisoners. Families claimed to have “received from administrative officials a certificate of marriage of their imprisoned daughters. These certificates concerned female prisoners who had allegedly been raped before execution.[4][5]

A survivor from Ahvaz’s Fajr prison: “That evening the prison’s loudspeakers broadcast a message. After [salutations], several threatening verses were uttered and someone yelled: “Section 1, fire!” The thundering sound of gunshots echoed throughout the prison. Then [we heard]: “Section 2, fire!” followed by gunshots. We thought they were going room to room and killing prisoners; we expected to be next … The events of that evening were staged. The smoke from gunpowder filled the air”

Amir Atiabi, a Tudeh Party member and survivor: “One night we went to the end of the corridor to the shower room and toilettes and climbed up to see through the window what the hell this truck is doing in the middle of the night. We had never seen such a thing. Then we realized they were loading dead bodies onto the trucks. We actually saw the bodies. The guards were going to the top of the truck and started to move the bodies to make more room. We realized [then] what was happening and what the noises were. In the container truck, when they dropped something inside it was like a big drum, and the noise echoed in the area. The sound was the bodies being dropped into the truck. After a while the noises would stop because when you put bodies on top of other bodies you won’t hear the noise anymore.”

Nima Parvaresh, another survivor at Gohar Dasht: “[W]ards 7 and 8 informed us, through the mellikesh ward, of big trailers equipped with refrigerators loading many corpses from the amphitheatre area (that was connected to these wards) and carrying them out of Gohar Dasht, during the evening and daylight hours. Some thought the corpses were those of recent Mojahedin casualties at the border. Later, we were informed by these same wards that prisoners in wards 7 and 8 were very troubled by the odor of decomposing corpses and had mentioned it to the ward guards. That night, they saw guards spraying the corpses that were going to be loaded on the trailers. (…) [T]hose who still introduced themselves as Mojahedin members or refused to be interviewed in public and condemn the Mojahedin’s attack on the borders were hanged in the prison amphitheatre. Many prisoners were hanged this way every day.”

Saeed Amirkhizi, a prisoner in Evin who was permitted to work outside his ward and therefore was exposed to information not available to other prisoners: “[t]he intensity of the executions was so much that it affected the guards themselves. Even the cruel torturers, who had been tormenting and executing prisoners for years, were astonished by this level of cruelty and barbarity. Hajj Amjad, a guard … famous for his short temper and brutality, became unbelievably quiet and introverted after the carnage … Another torturer named Mohammad Allahbakhshi was in a similar situation.”


Yan Maitri-Shi: There have been many other reports similar to those of the aforesaid testimonies of survivors of the 1988 killings. These reports were, in most of the cases, from former prisoners who were incarcerated at the following places: Gohar Dasht, Evin, Shiraz, Tabriz, Dezful, Zanjan, Esfahan, Hamedan, Ahvaz, Zahedan, Mashhad and Rasht.

So far, exact numbers of people who lost their lives in the hands of Iranian government officials in the so called massacre of 1988 have not been defined, yet several human rights organizations such as Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, Amnesty International, Mission for Establishment of Human Rights in Iran (MEHR Iran) and others have striven to gather approximate numbers ranging from 1000 to 5000 dead. In Appendix I, on page 75 of PDF document, they can be found some websites with lists compiled of the victims of these mass executions.

This is the list of individuals who are responsible for the crimes according to Iran Human Rights Documentation Center in the Appendix II of the PDF on pages 78 to 81:


  • Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini
  • Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei
  • Mir Hossein Mousavi
  • Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani
  • Mohammad Mohammadi Reyshahri


  • Ayatollah Seyyed Abdul-Karim Mousavi Ardebili
  • Asadollah Lajevardi
  • Mohammad Esmail Shushtari


  • Hossein Ali (Ja’afar) Nayyeri
  • Morteza Eshraghi
  • Mostafa Pour-Mohammadi
  • Ali Mobasheri
  • Ebrahim Raissi


  • Seyyed Hossein Mortazavi
  • Mohammad Moghissei (Naserian)
  • Davood Lashkari
  • Seyyed Hossein Hosseinzadeh
  • Mojtaba Halvai Asgar
  • Serami
  • Mehdizadeh
  • Shafi’i
  • Qera’ati
  • Alireza Avayi
  • Abdollahi
  • Maleki
  • Eslami
  • Mosayyebi


Iran Human Rights Documentation Center: “The 1988 massacre was the regime’s “final solution” to the problem of political prisoners who had survived the turbulence of the 1979 revolution and continued to oppose the Islamic Republic. The regime’s actions were no different than the Nazi regime’s “final solution” in connection with the “Jewish problem.” By annihilating these political prisoners, the Iranian regime rid itself of a generation of political activists that opposed every aspect of its right to rule. The Islamic Republic wished to neutralize this generation in any manner possible, and it did so. After the 1988 massacre, government officials realized that they had successfully uprooted any serious opposition against the regime. Opposition leaders had been massacred and the revolutionary leaders of a generation perished.”[6]


United Nations General Assembly Report, November 8, 1993: “It was alleged that since the day of the Islamic Revolution, over 40,000 Iranian Kurdish civilians and approximately 5,000 cadres and militants of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan had lost their lives. It was said that hundreds of Kurdish villages had been totally destroyed or emptied of their inhabitants. It was reported that Iranian military forces had carried out indiscriminate shelling of villages along the border areas of Iraqi Kurdistan. On 13 March 1993, Iranian planes bombed the Kurdish Democratic Party of Iran headquarters in Iraqi Kurdistan, near Sulaimaniya, killing four persons and injuring a large number. In April 1993, Iranian forces were reportedly deployed in Haj Omran and Penjwin, several kilometres inside Iraqi territory, causing 500 Kurds to flee. On 4 August 1993, Ranieh and Ghaleh Dizeh villages in Iraqi Kurdistan, 20 kilometres inside Iraq, were bombarded during a campaign against the Kurdish people on both sides of the Iran-Iraq border.(…) Some executions were reported in the Iranian press, and others were learned of through relatives and friends of the victims living abroad. There is reliable information on executions which has not been published in the Iranian press, in contrast to the situation in previous years, when it was sufficient to read the press regularly in order to learn about most executions. In addition, there has been no shortage of indirect reports, such as the letter from a group of neighbours complaining about executions taking place near their homes. (…) The international press has highlighted the numerous and frequently fatal attacks on Iranian citizens living abroad who belong to various opposition political groups. Some foreign judicial bodies are investigating alleged Iranian intelligence agents. In the absence of conclusive data, the Special Representative has included in this analysis only those cases in which the participation of Iranian agents has been noted by competent judicial or administrative authorities, or by parliamentary bodies.” https://www.iranrights.org/attachments/library/doc_193.pdf

Human Rights & Democracy for Iran: “The following table has been compiled mainly based on annual reports issued by Amnesty International. However, figures from other sources have also been incorporated when available. Both Amnesty International and other human rights organisations such as Hands Off Cain, that started publishing its annual reports in 2000, have taken care to note in all their reports that the actual figures could be much higher.” https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/581/iran-death-penalty-a-state-terror-policy

Estimates of number of executions since the Islamic revolution

Amnesty International Hands Off Cain Other sources
1979 (Feb-Aug) 437[7]
1979 800 – 1,000
1980 709
1981 2,616[8]
1982[9] 624
1983 399
1984 661
1985 470
1986 115
1987 158
1988 4,500-5,000[10]
1989 More than 1,500
1990 757
1991 775 884[11]
1992 330
1993 93
1994 139
1995 47
1996 110
1997 143
1998 “scores of people”
1999 165
2000 75 153
2001 139 198
2002 113 316 450[12]
2003 108 154
2004 159 197
2005 94 113
2006 177 215
2007 335 355
2008 346 355 317[13]
2009 (21 March) 120


Iran Tribunal: “it is still not clear how many people died during the six-month period from July 1988 to January 1989. Amnesty International has recorded the names of over 2,000 political prisoners reportedly executed during this period. Iranian opposition groups; such as the PMOI, have suggested that the total was much higher. (…) The political executions took place in many prisons in all parts of Iran, often far from where the armed incursion took place. Most of the executions were of political prisoners, including an unknown number of prisoners of conscience, who had already served a number of years in prison. They could have played no part in the armed incursion, and they were in no position to take part in spying or terrorist activities. Many of the dead had been tried and sentenced to prison terms during the early 1980s, many for non-violent offenses such as distributing newspapers and leaflets, taking part in demonstrations or collecting funds for prisoners’ families. Many of the dead had been students in their teens or early twenties at the time of their arrest. The majority of those killed were supporters of the PMOI; but hundreds of members and supporters of other political groups, including various factions of the PFOI, the Tudeh Party, the KDPI, Rah-e Kargar and others, were also among the execution victims. (…) The first sign that something was happening in the prisons came in July 1988 when family visits to political prisoners were suspended. This was the beginning of months of uncertainty and anguish for prisoners’ relatives as rumors began to spread that mass executions of political prisoners were taking place. (…) Reports circulated among prisoners’ relatives that execution victims were being buried in mass graves. Distraught family members searched the cemeteries for signs of newly dug graves that might contain their relatives’ bodies. (…) One woman described to Amnesty International how she had dug up the corpse of an executed man with her bare hands as she searched for her husband’s body in Jadeh Khavaran cemetery in Tehran in August 1988 in a part of the cemetery known colloquially as Lanatabad, (the place of the damned); reserved for the bodies of executed political prisoners. (…) She unearthed a body with its face covered in blood but when she cleaned it off she saw that it was not her husband. Other relatives visiting the graveyard discovered her husband’s grave some days later. A member of a communist group, he had been arrested in early 1985, tortured over several months and convicted after a summary trial at which, as a result of his torture, he was barely conscious. He never learned what his sentence was. (…) Relatives of prisoners executed in Orumieh Prison in Iranian Kurdistan have described to Amnesty International a form they had to sign when they were summoned to the prison to collect their relatives’ belongings. They were told where their relatives were buried, but the authorities had made sure that the 40-day mourning period had elapsed before telling the families about the executions. The form was an undertaking that they would not hold any form of funeral ceremony or erect any memorial on the graves. (…) Amnesty International has received accounts of similar events in many different prisons in all parts of Iran: in Rasht, Sanandaj, Mashhad, Isfahan and elsewhere. This suggests to Amnesty International that the massacre of political prisoners was a premeditated and coordinated policy that must have been authorized at the highest level of government. (…) A former prisoner in Dastgerd Prison in Isfahan said that almost every day between August and December 1988 prison guards came to his section of the prison and read out a list of up to 10 names. These people were then taken out off the cell, which generally housed between 150 and 300 people, and never seen again. The prisoners did not know what was happening to those taken away, but the guards said that they were to be executed. Later prisoners were transferred to Dastgerd Prison from other prisons and news of similar events in these prisons spread among the inmates in Dastgerd.”

Testimony of the woman who dug up the corpse of an executed in search of her husband’s body: “Groups of bodies, some clothed, some in shrouds, had been buried in unmarked shallow graves in the section of the cemetery reserved for executed leftist political prisoners. The stench of the corpses was appalling but I started digging with my hands because it was important for me and my two little children that I locate my husband’s grave.” http://www.irantribunal.com/index.php/en/resourses/documents/28-report-of-amnesty-international-on-the-massacre-of-1988


Iran Tribunal: “During the summer of 1988, thousands of Iranian political prisoners were taken from their cells and executed.  All over Iran, men and women were blindfolded and shot, or hanged in exercise yards or prayer halls.  None of them was taken to trial, instead they were asked a few questions by what became known as the “Death Commission”, and sentenced to death according to their responses. These prisoners had survived the mass executions of the early years of 1980s and were in the process of serving their long sentences. (…) No one knows the exact number of those executed a consequence of censorship and severe repression in Iran. But, to this day, there are around 5,000 known names of victims which have been documented by families, political parties and organizations.  Many of those who were killed had served their sentences, but were still in prison as they would not agree to the conditions of their release. (…) The massacre was the climax of a massive elimination process from 1981 to 1988, under which around 20,000 dissidents disappeared, either dying under torture or being executed by firing squads.” http://www.irantribunal.com/index.php/en/resourses/documents/27-list-of-political-mass-executions-in-1980s


Roya Johnson, Vice president of the US Alliance for Democratic Iran, and a former political prisoner in Iran: “Iranians, including former political prisoners like me, along with many international law experts, believe that this heinous atrocity, one of the most under—reported political mass killings of our times, qualifies the current Iranian leadership as perpetrators of crimes against humanity. (…) On June 20 1981, in a major public display of peaceful dissent, nationwide demonstrations organized by the vast network of Iran’s main opposition group, the Mujahedeen—e Khlaq organization (MEK), brought several million people to streets of Iran’s main cities. In Tehran alone, half a million people converged in the capital’s main thoroughfares, chanting slogans against the regime and demanding political freedoms. (…) Under direct orders of the criminal Ayatollah Khomeini, the regime’s forces moved to crush the march. In addition to machine guns, knives, clubs, cutters, and acid were the weapons of choice for the attackers. Women were particularly brutalized. Many had their faces slashed or burnt by acid. In many intersections, security forces used tear gas and even opened fire on peaceful demonstrators. (…) I was among the protestors in a provincial capital south of Tehran. Right in front of my eyes one of the mullahs’ agents stabbed a female protestor in the chest. Another female protester’s face was repeatedly slashed with a cutter. A few yards away, several agents were beating two teenage girls two death. I came very close to losing one eye when I was hit by a rock. On that day, hundreds of men and women were killed and wounded on the scene. (…) I was arrested in 1982 at the age of 14, on the charge of distributing opposition newspapers and speaking in public against the dictatorship. During my years in prison, I witnessed the execution and torture of hundreds of prisoners, majority of them Muslims and supporters and members of Iran’s main opposition group, the Mujahedeen—e Khalq (MEK). Many were my schoolmates and childhood friends. (…)The growing arrival of new prisoners had forced us to take turns sleeping and sitting. But that was the least of our sufferings. More than the pain of daily lashings and beating we had to endure, the defiant cries of other prisoners under torture tormented us. The stench of infection caused by deep torture wounds was everywhere. Seeing friends saying farewell before their execution and shouting ‘Down with Khomeini, long live freedom,’ with fists raised as they walked to the gallows, had become a part of our daily routine. (…) According to testimony of Kamal Afkhami Ardekani, a former prison official in the notorious Evin prison, for most of July and August of 1988, prisoners, including juveniles, were loaded on three forklift trucks and lifted to six cranes and hanged from the cranes in groups of five or six at a time in half—hourly intervals from 7:30 am to 5 pm every day uninterrupted. (…) By any measure, the massacre of 1988 constitutes a crime against humanity. Many officials presently holding senior posts in the government of Iran were actively involved in conducting this hideous crime, and they must be brought to justice.”

In a shocking fatwa in summer of 1988, Khomeini ordered the following: “Those who are in prisons throughout the country and remain committed to their support for the [Mujahedeen], are waging war on God and are condemned to execution…. Destroy the enemies of Islam immediately. As regards the cases, use whichever criterion that speeds up the implementation of the [execution] verdict.” www.americanthinker.com/articles/2004/09/the_1988_iran_massacre_crimes.html


Town Hall, Digital Newspaper: “This August marks the 26th anniversary of the massacre of thousands of tens of thousands of political prisoners by the Iranian regime in 1988. The shock and terror inflicted on the Iranian nation when this manifest case of crime against humanity, perpetrated in a spate of a few months, went unnoticed in the international sphere, and unresolved in the Iranian psyche. The legacy of this carnage has resulted in the survival of a despotic regime, and the stunted growth of a nation. (…) Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini came to Iran with religious sanctity that was unparalleled, but his betrayal of the people’s trust has instilled a cynicism towards politics in Iranians that continues to this day. And the war with Iraq which started in 1980 also was used by the mullahs to suppress criticism and justify their expansion of power. (…) The massacre itself has never been formally investigated, and remains shrouded in mystery. Some estimates place the number of killed as high as 30,000. To date, the most damning evidence has come from within the ruling clergy itself, from Grand Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri who lost his status as Khomeini’s successor by denouncing the massacre. (…) The orders for the systematic execution of dissidents came from Khomeini himself in the form of a fatwa (religious decree), and was meant to purge the country of any opposition, notably the main Iranian opposition movement, the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK). Along with the MEK, many leftist activists were executed for refusing to renounce their beliefs during Kangaroo trials which lasted no more than a few minutes. Many of the executed prisoners had already been sentenced to serve prison terms for their political defiance. (…) Kamal Afkhami Ardekani, former senior official at the notorious Evin prison in Tehran told United Nations human rights rapporteurs, “They would line up prisoners in a 14-by-five-metre hall in the central office building and then ask simply one question, ‘What is your political affiliation?’ Those who said the Mojahedin would be hanged from cranes in position in the car park behind the building.” Amnesty International has noted that more than a quarter century after the massacre, the regime continues to suppress any information about the killings, arresting family members who dare to speak out or visit mass graves at the Khavaran cemetery. (…) The massacre in the 1980s served the regime’s short term and long term interests of legitimization and survival through violence and terror. This policy has continued to this day.” http://townhall.com/columnists/hamidyazdanpanah/2014/08/26/draft-n1882976/page/full


Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2014, United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor: “Human rights groups, including Human Rights Watch, cited documentation implying that Justice Minister Mostafa Pourmohammadi was involved in the extrajudicial executions of thousands of political dissidents in 1988 and in the killings of several prominent dissident intellectuals in 1998.” http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/236810.pdf


Iran Tribunal to try the Islamic Republic of Iran for the crimes against humanity: “During the 1980’s thousands of political prisoners were sent to the gallows without judicial process. This culminated in the mass execution of political prisoners in 1988 when thousands of political prisoners were executed. (…) The Iran Tribunal follows the precedent of Russell Tribunal, being a people’s court investigating the crimes committed by the Islamic Republic of Iran against humanity.  However, the Iran Tribunal is unique in that it is set up by the families of the victims of the massacres and survivors of such massacres.  As such, the Tribunal is unprecedented. ” http://www.irantribunal.com/index.php/en/sessions/truth-commission/304-press-release-truth-commission-2


Roya Boroumand (The Huffington Post): “In the summer of 1988, a few months away from being released, Fatemeh and close to 4000 other MEK and leftist sympathizers -most of them already inmates of the Islamic Republic’s jails- were hanged in secret across Iran. The charges against them were related directly to their beliefs, and their executions were politically motivated.” http://www.huffingtonpost.com/roya-boroumand/iran-human-rights_b_1998345.html


Yan Maitri-Shi: Below, the Iran Tribunal lists the names of the executed men and women who were, in majority of cases, political prisoners:

1981 to 1987(First period in 1980s)

Surnames from A to B: http://www.irantribunal.com/images/List-Eng-1980s/1980-list-English-1.pdf

Surnames C-D-E-F-G: http://www.irantribunal.com/images/List-Eng-1980s/1980-list-English-2.pdf

Surnames H-I-J-K: http://www.irantribunal.com/images/List-Eng-1980s/1980-list-English-3.pdf

Surnames L-M: http://www.irantribunal.com/images/List-Eng-1980s/1980-list-English-4.pdf

Surnames N-O-P-R: http://www.irantribunal.com/images/List-Eng-1980s/1980-list-English-5.pdf

Surnames S: http://www.irantribunal.com/images/List-Eng-1980s/1980-list-English-6.pdf

Surnames T-V-Y-Z: http://www.irantribunal.com/images/List-Eng-1980s/1980-list-English-7.pdf


1988 (Second period in 1980s)

A-B-C-D-E-F-G: http://www.irantribunal.com/images/List-Eng-1988/1988-list-English-1.pdf

H-I-J-K-L-M: http://www.irantribunal.com/images/List-Eng-1988/1988-list-English-2.pdf

N-P-R-S-T-V-Y-Z: http://www.irantribunal.com/images/List-Eng-1988/1988-list-English-3.pdf


Judgment of Iran Tribunal: “the Tribunal found the Islamic Republic of Iran guilty of gross violations of human rights against its citizens and accountable for the systematic and widespread commission of crimes against humanity in Iran between 1980 and 1988.  These crimes were committed against the country’s political prisoners when over 20,000 citizens were tortured and executed. (…) The Tribunal met in London on 15th March 2013 for presentation of its 52 pages judgement consisting of 169 articles. Professor John Cooper, chair of the International Legal Steering Committee of the Iran Tribunal, commenced the event. Following Professor Cooper’s speech, Judge Johann Kreigler delivered the judgement and substantiated the evidences upon which the ruling was issued. Thereafter, Professor Payam Akhavan, Iran Tribunal’s chief prosecutor, discussed and analyzed the lawsuit against the Islamic Republic of Iran. Subsequently, Mr. Behrooz Partow, representing Iran Tribunal campaign, provided a summary of the work carried out by the campaign over the past five years. ” http://www.irantribunal.com/index.php/en/sessions/final-stage/472-judgment-reasoning-footage






Ayatollah Montazeri: “Such massacres without trial, particularly when the victims are prisoners and captives, will definitely benefit them in the long run. The world will condemn us and they will be further encouraged to wage armed struggle. It is wrong to confront ideas and ideologies with killings.”[14]






Yan Maitri-Shi: In this video by the US Foundation for Liberty, it can be seen the persecution and massacres throughout the years to the members of the People’s Mujahedin of Iran (PMOI, also called MEK), the main political opposition group of the Iranian Regime. Due to the bloody persecution these people had to be refugees in a former camp in Iraq called Camp Ashraf but they were forcibly evicted from that place, so they have to settle in another place called Camp Liberty, in Baghdad, where they were aided by the United Nations Assistance Mission for Irak although they are still in danger there because they are constantly threatened by missile attacks in addition that Iraqi government wants to expel them. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-8aoONYwA3Y


AIJ (Alliance Internationale pour la Justice)-FIDH(International Federation for Human Rights): “Iraqi refugees in Iran live in camps managed by the Iranian authorities or they are scattered in towns and villages. Estimations say that there are approximately 50,000 refugees living in the 14 camps managed by the Ministry of Interior, 6 of which are located in Khuzistan. Some of the bigger camps such as the Ashrafi Asfahani camp, which was created to host 7,000 persons but whose population in reality is closer to 13,000, or the camp of Ansar which normally hosts 3,500 people, are estimated to host a total of 20,000 persons. There also exist about 10 other camps hosting less than 3,000 persons each.(…) Other Iraqis are said to have grouped themselves alongside several roads, building settlement locations which are not registered as camps and which, as a result, do not receive aid. This is also said to be the case in towns and in most villages. According to the interviewees, it is those refugees who are not in the camps that need help the most, especially in Khuzistan where there is said to be 44 resettlement locations in the area between Ahwaz, Susangerd and Hoveyzeh, such as Serâi-Khorramshahr (16,000 refugees) Nabi Akra and Qand-o-Chekar. These refugees do not receive any aid from the government or international agencies and have to provide for their own needs, at a time when the legislation related to the work of refugees has toughened in Iran. (…) In the camps, which are controlled by the Iranian authorities, they are not allowed to come and go without prior authorisation and they are not allowed to work. The mission could also take note of cases of malnutrition among children and of the extreme poverty of the populations. Information received after the mission mention the deterioration of the situation, in particular concerning water supply in some camps. (…) According to [an Iraqi refugee in Iran], the first people who returned to Iraq were well treated so that others would be encouraged to return. Afterwards, the men were divided in three groups, the members of the first group were executed, the members of the second group were put in prison and the members of the last group were enrolled in Al Qods’ army and used to attack the tribes of southern Iraq where they come from. (…) The mission estimated at almost 400,000 the number of Iraqi refugees of all origins who currently live in Iran.”[15]


A refugee in Iran relates: “In 2001, a certain number of Shiites returned because of the insufficient aid provided by Iran which was in a difficult economical situation, because of the lack of jobs, of medical care, or because of the malnutrition and absence of a future for their children”.


Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2012, United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor: “According to reports, most provinces imposed restrictions on refugees’ movements, and 19 of the country’s 31 provinces were partially or fully closed to refugees. Authorities generally required registered refugees in “no-go areas” to either relocate to refugee settlements, sometimes in other parts of the country, or repatriate.” http://www.protectingeducation.org/sites/default/files/documents/hr_report_2.pdf

The Tower: “Iran is seeking to expel hundreds of thousands of Sunni Muslims from Damascus, the capital of Syria, in an effort to cement local support for the regime [of President Bashar al-Assad], according to a report in a pan-Arab daily cited by The Times of Israel yesterday. (…) Hundreds of families living in the area were given just a few hours to evacuate their homes, the report said.” http://www.thetower.org/2293-report-iran-seeks-to-ethnically-cleanse-syrian-sunnis-in-support-of-assad/; http://www.timesofisrael.com/iran-seeking-to-expel-200000-sunnis-from-damascus-report/ and http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Middle-East/2015/0826/In-Syria-border-town-battle-intensifies-after-mistrust-sinks-cease-fire






Adam Kredo (The Washington Free Beacon): “Iranian militants have begun acting as Russia’s de facto “ground force” in Syria, where they have begun waging “an ethnic cleansing campaign” in order to eradicate opposition to the embattled President Bashar al-Assad, according to leading members of Congress, defense officials, and outside experts.” http://freebeacon.com/national-security/iran-serving-as-russias-ground-force-in-syria/


Iran Human Rights Documentation Center: “The Kurds, almost all Muslims, had supported the revolution and sought some form of autonomy in postrevolution Iran. Khomeini deemed any form of self-rule—by the Kurds as well as by other Iranian ethnic minority peoples—as non-Islamic and therefore unacceptable. (…) Khomeini issued a fatwa, or religious edict, ordering the military and the newly created Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (Sepah-e Pasdaran) to crush the Kurds and take control of the Kurdish regions in Northwestern Iran. For three weeks, government forces waged a brutal campaign, surrounding towns with artillery and tanks, and bombing from the air. By the beginning of September, they controlled the major towns, and the Kurdish fighters (peshmerga) had fled into the mountains from where they continued to wage a guerilla campaign. (…) For several weeks in August and September, as government troops took control of towns in the Kurdish regions, Khalkhali and his deputies conducted trials of men, women and boys who had been arrested without warrants or charges. (…) The entire process usually took only a day and sometimes was completed in a matter of hours. Families were given no advance notice of the impending executions. Many were told that their loved ones would be released, only to discover that they had been executed. Some were forced to search for bodies in piles of corpses covered in ice. In some cases, families never recovered the bodies. While the total number of executions is unknown, it was reported at the time that as many as 80 people were executed in three weeks.[16] (…) The U.N. Subcommission on Human Rights condemned the executions. While Khalkhali was ultimately removed from his post as head of the Revolutionary Court— after having ordered the executions of hundreds of perceived political opponents—he remained an Islamic Republic insider. The Islamic Republic never launched an inquiry or investigation into the human rights violations and crimes Khalkhali committed in the Kurdish regions under the direction of Khomeini. (…) The executions, without fair trials, that the Revolutionary Court under the authority of Ayatollahs Khalkhali and Khomeini ordered in Iran’s Kurdish regions violated Iranian law and the Islamic Republic’s obligations under international human rights law. The arrests and executions based on the political beliefs of the victims also violated the victims’ rights of expression and association, and to redress. (…) Khomeini’s brutal campaign to crush the Kurds in the summer of 1979 was shocking to Iranians as well as the rest of the world. Feeling his grip on power threatened by calls for a secular government that recognized the rights of ethnic minorities, he struck back with violence. He ordered the military and pasdaran to crush the so-called rebels and sent “The Hanging Judge” to further terrorize the population with summary trials and immediate executions. (…) While these events took place over 30 years ago, they are still relevant today, as they turned out to be only a prelude to the Islamic Republic’s regular and persistent suppression of minority voices. The regime continues to violate the human, political and cultural rights of Kurds.[17][18]


Rahim Hamid and Mehdi Hashemi: “Since the former eras of Pahlavi dynasty until the emergence of the Islamic Republic regime we have seen that the Arab villages of Ahwaz region in the south and south west of Iran have always been subjected to ethnic cleansing policies and systematically dragged into destruction. This report focuses on gruesome evidence of the ethnic cleansing practices carried out by the subsequent Iranian regimes against the Ahwazi Arab villages, which are mostly located on the border strip with Iraq.  The crimes of Village destruction, house demolitions, destruction of farmland and palm groves, land confiscation. Access restrictions to natural resources are perpetrated by the Iranian regime to eradicate the Ahwazi Arab people from their historic lands. (…) after the destruction of many villages, the Arab villagers had been transferred to the settlements and resettled in such a poor social and economic areas deprived of having access to any basic services. (…) Physical siege of rural areas was a strategy which has obviously been implemented as the sugar cane plantations projects installed in both east and west part of Shoaybiyeh rural districts and in both sides of Karoon’s River banks along the roads between Ahwaz – Mohamerah and Ahwaz-Abadan. The establishment of Khomeini Sugarcane Project in the Shoaybiyeh district has resulted in the siege of dozens of villages by the Sugarcane plantations as the daily commuting of Arab people with Ahwaz and Shushtar cities was disrupted. This means that the residents of villages are stranded and isolated by Sugarcane plantations. In order for them to reach the main roads that lead to Ahwaz and Shushtar cities they have to walk about 5 to 10 kilometer along the sugar cane plantations. (…) In recent years, due to the absence of bridge between the two rivers and long and uneven muddy routes many villagers (pregnant women due to internal bleeding and men with heart diseases) have lost their lives because of their delayed arrival to urgent medical assistance. This is a huge problem for many of the remaining villages which are resisting forcible displacement as their life has become harder than ever. They have been deprived of communication, transport facilities, facing racial discrimination, high unemployment, and many other deprivations that make their life a daily struggle. (…) According to the Islamic Republic governmental agencies, around 1100 villages are deprived of having access to clean drinking water in Ahwaz region.  Over 50 villages around Susa city with approximately 20 thousand people are deprived of having water pipe system, and to carry the required water to their homes, men and women of these thirsty villages have to travel to distant areas in order to get access to potable water while they are located near the “Dez River” which had high water level. However, there are also many villages whose living condition remained miserable and have to drink untreated water from polluted rivers, streams, and small muddy ponds. (…) Arab villagers often suffer from deadly gastrointestinal diseases, and the children suffer more than others from drinking unsafe water. (…) According to official statistics, there are 4015 villages in Ahwaz region; only 2917 villages have access to drinking water, and 1098 do not have access to clean water. The rivers near these villages are too polluted to provide drinking water for the people. Also the people of these villages are unable to obtain clean water by water tankers from urban governmental centers due to high cost of water delivery. (…) The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to which Iran is a party, guarantee a right to education. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights also enshrines such a right but contrary to this, Iran is violating its pledges, which are enshrined in its current constitution to allowing ethnic groups in having same standard of education in their mother language under equivalent conditions. (…) In the recent years, many Ahwazi Arab intellectuals who were striving to remediate the rooted social and cultural problems of Ahwazi Arabs have been arrested and many of them executed or sentenced to life imprisonment. (…) In recent years, the Iranian regime brutally have demolished and confiscated many of the Ahwazi Arab homes in rural areas almost under the pretext of not having permission to build up. Iranian regime and military are forcing the Ahwazi Arab people out of their homes and demolishing them, depriving them of their human rights. (…) The Iranian regime oppresses the Arabs by making it difficult to get employment, get an education, or live with dignity. The Persian settlers constantly humiliate Arabs.  This is a vivid manifestation of deliberate plan of ethnic cleansing to exterminate the Arabic identity of Ahwaz region by the decision-makers of murder and terrorist cleric regime that seems will never stop its injustices and tyrannical practices against Ahwazi Arab people.”[19]


Article from “We Write What We Like”: “Some of the methods that are used in line with ethnic cleansing of the Ahwazi Arab people are outlined as follows: (…) Exile is one of the tools that the Islamic Republic regime, like its predecessor the Pahlavi regime, has used it against Ahwazis. (…) Khomeini said war was a blessing for us. These ominous words today apparently reveal the destructive and the murderous theories that had been set against the Ahwazi people during the war. (…) the Iranian death squads operated massive extrajudicial killings of any Ahwazi who was suspected of having cultural or political activism by accusing them of being a fifth column, or engaged in espionage or sabotage activism for Iraqi forces. (…) The Arab people have lost not only their villages, but also their agricultural lands. They retain countless mines and unexploded rockets. The Iranian governments did not attempt to restore and de-mine the agricultural lands from the remains of the legacy of the war and in exchange used it as a preventive measure with which to deprive the Arab villagers from cultivating their lands.” http://wewritewhatwelike.com/2015/02/03/the-desperate-situation-of-the-ahwazi-people-arabs-in-iran-from-1979-to-this-day/


International Gulf Organization: “Ahwaz used to be a flourishing Arab territory that had its own ruler, Shaykh Khazal until 1925 when Persian Reza Shah Pahlavi, who went on to become king of Iran forcefully took over Ahwaz. Before Iran annexed Ahwaz, the province was referred to as Arabistan and until today it has a population of more than 8 million Arabs. The Arabs have fought and resisted against the occupation and for their independence ever since. However due to restrictions and intimidation to media and human rights organizations, they have not been successful in making their voices heard to the rest of the world. (…) Each Ahwazi day see’s Ahwazi Arabs living in despicable poverty, houses and land are snatched without consent or compensation, 80 per cent of Arab children are malnourished and uneducated, there is no clean water, no adequate sewage system, there is no equality in employment and education, which forces the Arabs to be at the end of the social and economic ladder. (…) This view that Ahwazi Arabs are somehow inferior to Persians and deserve to be treated like third-class citizens is not restricted to the predominantly Muslim Ahwazi population but to the Arab Christian minority too. Arab children are punished for speaking Arabic, Iranian authorities refuse to register birth certificates to Arab new-borns unless they choose Persian names. In order, to de-Arabise and Persianize Ahwaz, Iranians from other parts of Iran are ‘encouraged’ to move there and are offered great jobs and property, together with generous financial and social benefits and tax exemptions. All this prejudice and more is done in a systematic attempt by the Iranian regime to ethnically cleanse the region once and for all. (…) Ahwazi’s have not only been denied their most basic civil, political and human rights, they have been tortured, imprisoned and killed in the most brutal ways on a regular basis by Iranian intelligence and Iranian revolutionary guards. Journalists and human rights activists who have dared to speak up have been also been silenced, imprisoned or killed. These harsh conditions have caused more and more Ahwazi’s to leave and settle in Europe. Thousands of Ahwazi refugees reside alongside Palestinians in Al-Waleed camp, Iraq and others have fled over the border to Kuwait and Syria. (…) This year 40 people have been executed in Al-Ahwaz in January and February alone. The “opposition” Green Movement who Ahwazi’s believe are really a clique within the regime is now adopting the racist poems of Mostafa Badkoobei to attack the Arabs. Thus, the Ahwazi population is being attacked from both pro government and opposition groups which make them more vulnerable. (…) During April 2011, Sunni Imam, Adel Muhammad Al Tamimi was hanged in public for calling on Ahwazi’s to protest; a clear warning from Iran to the protesters who planned to protest peacefully on Friday 14th April ‘Day of Fury’.”   http://www.igogcc.org/iranian-regime-is-launching-an-ethnic-cleansing-campaign-against-arabs/


International State Crime Initiative: “Since the Islamic Republic Regime’s rise to power, the mullahs’ regime has enforced ethnocide policies against Ahwazi Arab and other non-Persian minorities. In fact, the threat of forced displacement, deportation or execution of the Ahwazis, Kurds, Turks, Baluchs and Turkmens has been a persistent threat inside Iran. (…) Since 1925, both the former Pahlavi monarchy and successive Islamic Republic Regimes have carried a deep historical antipathy toward the Arab nationalities. They have continued a policy of Persianization and ethnic cleansing in Ahwazi regions. Tens of thousands of Ahwazis were displaced mainly in the regions of Mohamerah, Abadan and Shush and Shushtar since 1925, but the rate of displacement has increased since the Islamic Republic took power in 1979. A close link can be established between the rise to power of the Islamic republic regime in 1979 and the forced displacement, deportations and migratory waves of Ahwazi Arabs. (…) The ongoing mass execution, the massive impoverishment (see UN Special Rapporteur Miloon Kothari’s comments on the Ahwaz human rights situation, 9 August 2005, cultural dispossession and the denial of all fundamental civil, cultural, human, and political rights have failed to destroy the will of non-Persian population. (…) the regime has begun to divert Karoon river water from its main course to the arid central Persian regions like the provinces of Yazd and Isfahan. This will potentially would cut off drinking water and cause increases in illness in Ahwaz. The resulting water scarcity will cripple the local agricultural economy and cause widespread desertification, processes that have already begun and are behind the systematic ethnic cleansing and forced migration of Arabs in Ahwaz. (…) Ahwazi Arab residents gathered (…) in protest against the regime’s unjustifiable policy of diverting the Karoon’s water to the central regions of Iran. (…) They demanded that all the human rights and UN organizations speak out against the possible environmental catastrophe in Ahwaz, whose people have already been deprived of drinking safe water for years, as well as suffering from air pollution with high asthma levels among children, teenagers and elderly people due to industrial waste and emissions. (…) there is strong evidence that Iranian authorities are orchestrating a systematic and ultranationalist policy of land confiscation and forced migration, in line with the ethnic reconstructing program outlined in top secret letter written by former Iranian vice president, Sayed Mohammad-Ali Abtahi. The Abtahi letter, leaked to the international media in 2005, led to an unprecedented popular uprising, which engulfed the entire Ahwaz region and resulted in more than 100 people being killed by the security forces. The letter, written in 1999, suggests a time-frame of 10 years to accomplish the ethnic restructuring programme. Iranian authorities are encouraging the forced migration of Ahwazi Arabs out of Ahwaz and their replacement with loyal ethnic groups, (particularly ethnic Persians), and constructing separation walls to segregate indigenous Arabs from non-indigenous settlers and the privileged migrants. (…) The Department of Natural Resources and the Mehr Housing institute are in direct cooperation to usurp the Ahwazi lands and when the project is faced with popular resistance from local people, the security forces will intervene quickly to arrest and sometimes kill unarmed people. The regime has operated a brutal campaign against both Ahwazis and their environment, confronting legitimate demands with fire, shipments of tear gas and excessive military force.” http://statecrime.org/state-crime-research/the-weapon-of-forced-displacement-against-the-indigenous-ahwazi-arabs/


Dr Rich Swier, Ed.D., LTC, US Army (Ret): “Iran has been systematically purging ethic Arabs in the Western part of their country. This purging has been called a genocide. (…) The occupation authorities are forcing Ahwazi women to give birth through “Caesarean” procedure rather than natural birthing, and in many cases the authorities urge the doctors to carry out sterilization on birthing women without their knowledge or prior approval, through the process of tying the fallopian tubes. This results in Ahwazi women no longer being able to have more than one child, and thus, it reduces population growth among the Arabs. (…) the suffering of the Ahwazi women as a consequence of the apartheid policies of Iranian occupation. Women are subjected to arbitrary arrest, imprisonment, physical harassment, psychological and physical torture as well as the death penalty like all Ahwazi activists.”

Asharq Al-Awsat, Middle East Arab News: “Secretary-General of the Arab Front for the Liberation of Ahwaz [AFLA], Faisal Abdul Karim Naama, issued an international distress call, calling on the international and Arab world to save the Ahwazi Arab people from the Persian expansionist project. He also revealed that thousands of ethnic Arabs in the Ahwaz province of Iran have been killed by the Iranian security apparatus, adding that thousands more are awaiting the same fate. As for why Tehran is suppressing the Ahwazi Arab people, Naama stressed that this was simply due to their Arab identity.”

AFLA Secretary-General, Faisal Abdul Karim Naama: “we are appealing to the world because what is happening in Ahwaz is a crime of mass genocide. This is ethnic cleansing, as our only crime is our Arab identity, therefore the world must shoulder its humanitarian responsibilities and stand with the Ahwazi Arab people.”

Mona Oudeh an Ahwazi Arab activist in a 2015 interview with Al-Sharq Newspaper: “since the start of Iranian occupation and domination of Al-Ahwaz, the ultra-national Persian institutions have systematically implemented policies of racial discrimination against the entire Ahwazi population, and in particular, of Ahwazi women, who have been excluded from all rights and privileges including educational opportunities, employment, intellectual, literary and artistic participation, as well as the denial of exercising their indigenous cultural activities.” http://drrichswier.com/2015/05/14/irans-dirty-little-secret-the-genocide-of-ethnic-arabs/


Najah Mohamed Ali (Al Arabiya News): “In a conference organized by the United Nations Human Rights Council and held in Geneva this week, representatives of Iranian minority groups said that the Iranian regime persecutes non-Persians and deprives them of their national rights even the ones granted to them by the post-revolution constitution. (…) Arab representatives from the predominantly Arab oil-rich province of Khuzestan, commonly known as Arabstan, said the Iranian regime is launching an ethnic cleansing campaign against Arab Iranians, also known as Ahwazis.”

Karim Obeidan, head of the Ahwazi delegation: “The authorities are also kicking Ahwazis out of their homes in order to replace them with Persians, (…) This is a flagrant violation of International Law.”  http://english.alarabiya.net/articles/2012/11/29/252526.html


Daniel Brett (The Huffington Post): “The peaceful Ahwazi intifada against forced displacement, discrimination and persecution against the indigenous Arabs of southwest Iran in 2005 was met with extreme brutality. The Iranian regime gunned down at least 130 unarmed Arab civilians in cold blood in the first few days of the civil unrest in order to restore control to the oil-rich region. At least 2,000 were incarcerated and more killings were carried out, judicial and extra-judicial, in the following months and years. (…) on the ninth anniversary of the peaceful Ahwazi Arab intifada, an ever increasing number of Ahwazi activists are being put to death. Indeed, the most peaceful cultural activists are often the ones being targeted for the most violent reprisals by the Iranian state. (…) Ahwazi Arab activists maintain this is part of the regime’s campaign of ethnic cleansing against indigenous ethnic Arabs. Unfortunately, endemic anti-Arab racism has meant that the Ahwazi cause has been alienated by some so-called “opposition” groups. (…) Arguably the most virulent and violent racism can be found within monarchist circles where Ahwazi Arabs are referred to as “immigrants” and “invaders”, although they have been present in Iran for at least 14 centuries. Upholding notions of Aryan racial supremacy that are augmented by Persian national myths, many monarchists are cheer-leaders for the regime’s persecution of Ahwazi Arabs. International solidarity for the Ahwazi intifada is crucial to overcome prejudice and persecution of this ethnic group, perpetrated by both the regime and some of its equally fascistic opponents.” http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/daniel-brett/iran-rouhani_b_5147140.html

Article from  www.freerepublic.com:  “The persecution of Ahwazi Arabs and the takeover of their land has led to accusations of ‘ethnic cleansing’ (…) Under the cover of secrecy the fundamentalist regime in Tehran is waging a sustained, bloody campaign of intimidation and persecution against its Arab minority. These Arabs believe that they are victims of “ethnic cleansing” by Iran’s Persian majority. Sixteen Arab rights activists have been sentenced to death, according to reports in the Iranian media. They were found guilty of insurgency in secret trials before revolutionary courts. But most of the defendants were convicted solely on the basis of confessions extracted under torture. Ten are expected to be hanged in a couple of weeks, after the end of Ramadan. Amnesty International says that two of those sentenced to die, Abdolreza Nawaseri and Nazem Bureihi, were in prison when they were alleged to have been involved in bomb attacks. Three others — Hamza Sawa- eri, Jafar Sawari and Reisan Sawari — say that they were nowhere near the Zergan oilfield the day it was bombed. (…) 50 Ahwazi Arab activists have been charged with insurgency since last year. They are accused of being mohareb or enemies of God, which is a capital crime. Other allegations include sabotage and possession of home-made bombs. No material evidence has been offered to support the charges. All face possible execution. (…) Tehran’s latest tactic is to hold Ahwazi children as hostages. According to Amnesty International, children as young as 2 have been jailed with their mothers to force their fugitive, political-activist fathers to surrender to the police. Protests against these abuses are brutally suppressed. Ahwazi political parties, trade unions and student groups are illegal. In the past year, 25,000 Ahwazis have been arrested, 131 executed and 150 have disappeared, reports AHRO. The bodies of many of those executed have been dumped in a place that the Government calls lanat abad, the place of the damned. They are buried in shallow graves; dogs dig up and eat the bodies. (…) Nearly 250,000 Arabs have been displaced from their villages after the Iranian Government’s confiscation of more than 200,000 hectares of farmland for a huge sugar-cane project. Dozens more towns and villages will be erased, making a possible further 400,000 Ahwazis homeless, by the creation of a military-industrial security zone, covering more than 3,000 sq km, along the Shatt al-Arab waterway, which borders Iraq. (…) Ironically, the Hezbollah in Lebanon —the supposed embodiment of Arab resistance in the Middle East— is complicit in the displacement of Ahwazi Arabs. On confiscated Arab land Tehran has set up training camps for Hezbollah and for the Badr Brigades, the Iraqi fundamentalist militia. Badr death squads in Iraq are murdering Sunnis, unveiled women, gay people, men wearing shorts, barbers, sellers of alcohol and people listening to Western music. (…) tens of thousands of displaced Ahwazis eke out a subsistence existence in shanty towns on the outskirts of Ahwaz city. Others have been forcibly relocated to poverty-stricken, far-flung northern regions of Iran.” http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1717279/posts

Iran Rights Transparency: “The executive director of Ahwaz Human Rights Organization – AHRO, told IRT among some 6000 UN registered disappearances, nearly 500 are in Iran, including at least 28 Ahwazi cases, according to field investigations. Drowning in Karoon River and in the marshlands of Fallahieh, Mashour and Abadan have been widely reported. (…) Dr. Karim Abdian explains abduction and forced disappearances, has been a tool of the Islamic Republic of Iran, against its opposition. There have been many Ahwazis who were tortured during interrogation; killed, and their bodies hidden or dumped in the river or buried anonymously in ‘Lanat Abad”, a place, where unidentified bodies are buried. (…) The security forces in Ahwaz seldom notify families about the whereabouts of their disappeared loved ones. They refuse to allow families to bury their loved ones, and don’t provide the remains to family members, violating Iran’s obligation under international law, to protect people from forced disappearances. (…) According to Abdian outside Ahwaz city, there is a large, government-owned burial yard called “Lanat Abad” or “the cursed land” that people are buried without names. It is widely believed, and it has been admitted by some members of the security forces – as victim families were told that the bodies of their loved ones were buried there. (…) people in Kurdistan – Iran, have been victims of terror, abduction and disappearances. Hundreds of activists, political activists and dissidents, have been executed by Iranian government in Kurdistan. (…) There have been secret executions in Ahwaz and mass graves been found.” http://www.iranrights.net/2016/03/10/in-iran-executed-tortured-bodies-drown-in-karoon-river-in-ahwaz/

Dr Karim Abdian, Director of the Ahwaz Human Rights Organisation (by Peter Tatchell): “Iran is a racist, imperialist state, which is ethnically cleansing its Ahwazi Arab population. Tehran is using sham trials, torture, executions, cultural colonialism, forced re-locations and mass impoverishment to subjugate its Arab population. The south-west Arab region of Iran is the richest in oil, but has African levels of malnutrition, slums, illiteracy and unemployment. Dr Karim Abdian, Director of the Ahwaz Human Rights Organisation discusses the persecution of his people with Peter Tatchell. (…) Sixteen other Arab rights activists have been sentenced to death. Found guilty of insurgency in secret trials before Revolutionary Courts, none had proper legal representation. Human Rights Watch confirms that lawyers for many of the condemned men did not have an opportunity to meet with their clients. Most of the defendants were convicted solely on the basis of confessions extracted under torture. Amnesty International says two of those sentenced to die, Abdolreza Nawaseri and Nazem Bureihi, were in prison at the time when they were alleged to have been involved in bomb attacks. (…) Tehran ‘s has recently stooped to taking Ahwazi children hostage. According to Amnesty International, kids as young as two have been jailed with their mothers, in a bid to force their political activist fathers, who are on the run and in hiding, to surrender to the police. (…) Protests against these abuses are brutally suppressed. Since April 2005, 25,000 Ahwazis have been arrested, 131 killed and 150 have disappeared, reports AHRO. The bodies of many of those executed have been dumped in a place the Iranian government calls Lanat Abad, the place of the damned. They are buried in shallow graves. Dogs dig up and eat the bodies. (…) Ahwazis allege anti-Arab persecution by the Persian-dominated Tehran regime, which they accuse of racism and ethnic cleansing. Other minority nationalities face similar oppression by Persian chauvinists: Kurds, Azeris, Turkmen and Baluchis. While the Arab League professes pan-Arab solidarity, it does nothing to challenge Iran ‘s abuse of Ahwazi Arabs. (…) Already, 250,000 Arabs have been uprooted from their villages following the Iranian government’s confiscation of 200,000 hectares of farmland for a massive sugar cane project. Compensation was in some cases less than 3% of the market value of the land, (…) Ironically, Lebanon ‘s Hezbollah -the supposed embodiment of Arab resistance in the Middle East- is complicit in the displacement of Ahwazi Arabs. On confiscated Arab land, Tehran has set up military training camps for Hezbollah and for the Iraqi fundamentalist militia, the Badr Brigades. Badr death squads in Iraq are assassinating Sunni Muslims, unveiled women, gay people, men wearing shorts, barbers, sellers of alcohol and people listening to western music. They are also killing British soldiers. Many of the killers received their training in Ahwaz.” http://www.petertatchell.net/international/iran/iranraciststate.htmhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8s82GxBVZnY

Ahwaz News Agency: “The mass grave of four Ahwazi Arabs executed last year has been identified by an ethnic Bakhtiari resident of Baghmalek city, according to local sources. (…) The witness claimed that the men’s bodies had been take to the site by security officers and placed in a single grave that was filled with cement. He said the grave was located in the village of Ghale-tal near Baghmalik. Three security personnel kept watch at the grave for three days. (…) The families of the men – Taha Heidarian, Abdolrahman Heidarian, Abbas Heidarian, and Ali Sharifi -who were executed amid international controversy have never been told the whereabouts of the graves, in direct violation of Islamic custom. The security services have provided contradictory reports and have, on occasion, led them to believe that two of the men are still alive. (…) Executed political prisoners are commonly buried in unmarked mass graves, which the Iranian regime calls Lanat Abad, the place of the damned people.” http://www.ahwaziarabs.info/2013/02/iranian-regime-hiding-arab-bodies-in.html

Rahim Hamid and Mehdi Hashemi (Minority Voices Newsroom): “Since the former eras of the Pahlavi dynasty until the emergence of the Islamic Republic regime we have seen that the Arab villages of Ahwaz region in the south and south west of Iran have always been subjected to ethnic cleansing policies and systematically dragged into destruction. This report focuses on gruesome evidence of the ethnic cleansing practices carried out by the subsequent Iranian regimes against the Ahwazi Arab villages, which are mostly located on the border strip with Iraq. The report documents the crimes of village destruction, house demolitions, destruction of farmland and palm groves, land confiscation and access restrictions to natural resources perpetrated by the Iranian regime to eradicate the Ahwazi Arab people from their historic lands. (…) after the destruction of many villages, the Arab villagers had been transferred to the settlements and resettled in such a poor social and economic areas deprived of having access to any basic services. While on the other hand all the services and amenities were provided for the Persian settlers. The Arab villagers were at a disadvantage with the Persian settlers because they were not able to speak the Persian language. (…) The establishment of Khomeini Sugarcane Project in the Shoaybiyeh district has resulted in the siege of dozens of villages by the Sugarcane plantations as the daily commuting of Arab people with Ahwaz and Shushtar cities was disrupted. This means that the residents of villages are stranded and isolated by Sugarcane plantations. In order for them to reach the main roads that lead to Ahwaz and Shushtar cities they have to walk about 5 to 10 kilometer along the sugar cane plantations (…) Lacks of basic infrastructures such as bridges and roads have caused some rural areas to be isolated and unreachable especially during rainy seasons. For instance, Shoaybiyeh rural districts are situated between the two rivers of Karoon and Dez. When the local people want to go to Ahwaz city, at first they need to go to Shushtar city to reach the road leading to Ahwaz.   In recent years, due to the absence of bridge between the two rivers and long and uneven muddy routes many villagers (pregnant women due to internal bleeding and men with heart diseases) have lost their lives because of their delayed arrival to urgent medical assistance. This is a huge problem for many of the remaining villages which are resisting forcible displacement as their life has become harder than ever. They have been deprived of communication, transport facilities, facing racial discrimination, high unemployment, and many other deprivations that make their life a daily struggle (…) In an interview with the Arab farmers who are residing near the bank of Karoon River along the road between Ahwaz –Mohamerah, they said that they are no longer farmers because their agricultural lands were confiscated by the Amir Kabir sugar cane project. Some farmers added that after the war, the regime is opening the dam’s gates deliberately so their homes can be flooded. (…) People said that for many times they have demanded the government officials to take appropriate measures to deal with the risk of flooding. However, the official stated that they could not cope with water that falls in heavy downpours. In a mocking manner they said that your ancestors should not have built their homes on flood plains, and now you are paying the price and have to go somewhere else. (…) The lack of attention to the Ahwaz Arabs problems particularly those who live in rural areas is a planned discriminatory policy aimed to exert more pressure on rural people to abandon their own lands which paves the way for the regime to confiscate it. (…) In the recent years, many Ahwazi Arab intellectuals who were striving to remediate the rooted social and cultural problems of Ahwazi Arabs have been arrested and many of them executed or sentenced to life imprisonment. For instance, two member of Susa cultural youth institution named Ali Chebeyshat and Syed Khaled Mousavi who had very significant role in promoting the importance of education among rural and urban Ahwazi Arabs were arrested and then executed. (…) Fahima Esmaili Badawi, the Ahwazi woman teacher who was a member of Al-Wefagh party was arrested in 2005 and is still in prison to this day. The clerical regime executed her husband, Ali Matouri.  Hashem Shabani and Hadi Rashdi, two Ahwazi Arab teachers who had been engaged in teaching language and Arabic literature and remedial programs related to social and cultural issues in rural and urban areas and the founders of the Al- Hiwar intellectual and cultural institute were arrested on 13 February 2011 along with other Al-Hiwar members and activists. After enduring months of savage torture in solitary confinement in the Intelligence detention center, they were sentenced to death in June 2012 by Branch 2 of Revolutionary court and charged with terrorism –related activities and in December 2012, Branch 32 of the Supreme Court confirmed and finally executed in 2014. (…) In recent years, the Iranian regime brutally have demolished and confiscated many of the Ahwazi Arab homes in rural areas almost under the pretext of not having permission to build up. Iranian regime and military are forcing the Ahwazi Arab people out of their homes and demolishing them, depriving them of their human rights. (…) In this report there was a detailed coverage about the condition of the Ahwazi people whose population stands eight million. These people were living peacefully on their land until Reza Pahlavi arrived and had a plan in mind. His plan was to change the demographics of the Ahwaz region, remove the Arab people from the land and bring Persian settlers to take over the land. The Ahwazi people lost most of their land and every day more land is being confiscated and given to the Persian settlers in the area. The Arabs do not have clean water, even though there are many rivers in Ahwaz like Karoon and Dez, they are being dried up and the water is moved to Persian areas. The Arabs are left drinking polluted water, which makes them very sick. The Iranian regime oppresses the Arabs by making it difficult to get employment, get an education, or live with dignity. The Persian settlers constantly humiliate Arabs.  This is a vivid manifestation of deliberate plan of ethnic cleansing to exterminate the Arabic identity of Ahwaz region by the decision-makers of murder and terrorist cleric regime that seems will never stop its injustices and tyrannical practices against Ahwazi Arab people. But rather, its inhuman crimes are still ongoing which include forcible requisitioning of arable lands belong to Arab farmers and awarding them to the non-Arab settlers.” http://www.minorityvoices.org/news.php/en/1733/iran-ethnic-cleansing-and-oppression-practices-of-iranian-regime-against-ahwazi-arab-villages   www.minorityvoices.org/force_download.php?file=data/files/final/news_1733/thniccleansingandoppressionpracticesofIranianregimeagainstAhwaziArabvillages.docx; http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FsEn8IbOryk; https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ix8eqbLoNtY; https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VKvQDqwIv-4#t=19


Amir al-Saadi, representative of the Center for Ahwazi Studies: “They [Iranian government] are worried he would expose the violations committed by the regime against Ahwazis.”


Saleh al-Humaid, representative of the Ahwazi Human Rights Organization: “Ahwazis do not get any of their civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights, (…) The Iranian regime is doing its best to erase the Ahwazi identity.”

The head of the Zagros Center and representative of Iranian Kurds: “Kurds are persecuted in Iran and I call upon the U.N. to send a delegation to investigate the violations committed against Kurdish Iranians.”

Mounira Suleimani, representative of the Baluch minority in Iran: “Members of the Baluch minority in Iran face racial and religious discrimination, (…) They are also deprived of their right to freedom of expression” http://english.alarabiya.net/articles/2012/11/29/252526.html


Ahwaz News Agency: “Iranian security forces shot dead an Ahwazi Arab man in Falahiya (Shadegan) on the morning of 23 September, according to reliable sources. (…) Ridha Qentari (Abu Khanfar), 25 years old, was killed when Iranian forces used live ammunition indiscriminately to disperse Ahwazi Arabs who had gathered for the funeral of another man, who was believed to have been killed the previous day. He was unarmed and posed no danger. (…) The website of the National Resistance of Al-Ahwaz has named three members of the security and police forces who its says were responsible for the killing: Police officer Corporal Mohammed Sanaie, who shot Qentari. (…) [;] Corporal Karimi, a police officer based in Falahiya (…) [and] Lieutenant Saifullah Fatemi Soukht, known as Farhadi, the chief of the investigation section of the city’s security forces.”  http://www.ahwaziarabs.info/2013/10/extrajudicial-execution-of-ahwazi-in.html

International Journal of Business and Social Science Vol. 6, No. 3; March 2015, The Application of Universal Jurisdiction in Iranian Criminal Law, Mansour Farrokhi, PhD, Assistant Professor Hormozgan University: “One of the basic challenges of universal jurisdiction in Iranian criminal law is non-penalization of most international illegal acts in penal statutes. For example, apartheid and piracy which are illegalized by an international treaty and custom accordingly, lack any punishment in Iranian penal law.”[20]





Elliott Abrams, Senior Fellow for Middle Eastern Studies: “There are only 300,000 Bahais in Iran, or less than one-half of 1 percent of the country’s population. But since its founding in 1979, the Islamic Republic has singled this group out for systematic repression. In the early years, hundreds of Bahais were executed and thousands more were imprisoned. Bahai properties have been confiscated without compensation. Bahai Iranians are barred from holding government jobs, their children are excluded from the nation’s university system, their marriages are not recognized and their cemeteries and holy places have been desecrated. It is government policy to incite hatred of Bahais in the official media. And more than 100 Bahai leaders remain in prison — for the crimes of being Bahai and teaching their children their religion.]” http://www.cfr.org/iran/oppression-bahais-continues-iran/p31841


Wahied Wahdat-Hagh, Senior Fellow at the European Foundation for Democracy: “The most negative aspect of the negotiations between the P5-plus-one (the UN Security Council Five plus Germany) and Iran is the dearth of attention being paid to human rights violations in that country. Iranian nuclear activities have no relation to the suppression of religious minorities, women, human rights activists and workers. (…) According to article 6 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, genocide means any act of killing members of the group, causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group and deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part. In article 7, crimes against humanity is defined as acts of widespread or systematic violence directed at any civilian population – including murder; enforced disappearance of persons; persecution; and imprisonment or other severe deprivation of physical liberty in violation of fundamental rules of international law. (…)  Both articles 6 and 7 apply to the situation of the Iranian Bahai. In 1991 the Supreme Revolutionary Cultural Council drew up a secret memorandum, which is nothing less than a government blueprint for the repression of the community in Iran. This confidential document indicates clearly that the Spiritual leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ali Khamenei, and the former President of Iran, Hashemi Rafsanjani were behind it. The memorandum calls for the blockade of their progress and development, i.e. that of the Bahai community. (…) Barring Bahais from higher education specifically aims to impoverish them. This puts massive pressure on the community since they believe that education, particularly for girls, is of utmost importance for the development of society. Bahais are prohibited from attending universities and even schoolchildren are harassed and expelled. (…) Hezbollah arsonists also attack Bahai-owned business. Their shops have been closed and some of the owners imprisoned, with even much needed medical doctors being thrown out of their offices and clinics. One often-used tactic is to arrest innocent members of the Bahai community and demand high bails and property deeds. They are required to give information about their daily lives, actions and even neighbours. Physical assaults and efforts to drive them out of villages are common and their rightful inheritances are denied. This clearly displays a systematic singling out of their community. (…) This Islamic form of anti-Bahaism is reminiscent of the Nazi regime’s persecution of the Jews in the 1930s. (…) Europe should pay more heed to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and not allow state-sponsored genocide in the 21st century. Even if the Iranian regime cooperates in nuclear negotiations, the massive problems in relation to the repression of Iranians and the exportation of terrorism remain.” http://www.thecommentator.com/article/1152/stop_state_sponsored_genocide_and_crimes_against_humanity?redirect=mobile


Iran Human Rights Documentation Center (IHRDC): “These attacks [on Bahá’í population] constitute crimes against humanity because they are directed against a civilian population, are widespread and systematic in their nature and implementation, and involve acts (i.e. murder, torture, imprisonment and persecution) contrary to the principles of common humanity under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, customary law and international criminal law. (…) Numerous high ranking members of the Iranian government may be held liable for the crimes against humanity perpetrated against the Bahá’í population. In particular, liability may fall on members of the Revolutionary Council who, since 1979, have devised and implemented a plan of attack on the Bahá’ís. Its members include leading clerics such as Ayatollah Mahdavi-Kani, Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, and Ayatollah Abdul-Karim Mousavi Ardebili. (…) The Islamic Republic, and any individuals involved in the ordering, instigating, planning, aiding and abetting, or commission of these crimes against humanity must be held to account for their actions. To the extent that the regime’s actions constituted serious violations of human rights law, it is incumbent upon all member states of the international community to prosecute the perpetrators of these crimes. (…) The Rome Statute defines a crime against humanity as an enumerated criminal act when committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population, with knowledge of the attack.[21] The enumerated acts include murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation or forcible transfer of population, imprisonment or other severe deprivation of physical liberty in violation of the fundamental rules of international law, torture, rape and other forms of sexual violence, persecution against any identifiable group or collectivity on political, racial, national, ethnic, cultural, religious, gender or other grounds, and other inhumane acts of a similar character intentionally causing great suffering or serious injury.[22][23]


Iran Press Watch: “From the very beginning of its existence the members of the Baha’i faith were persecuted. Human rights were not respected prior to the Islamic Revolution, but since 1979 the human rights of Baha’is in Iran have been systematically violated. (…) The author of this study acts on the assumption that the persecution of the Iranian Baha’is will bear strong similarities to history’s well-known genocides. (…) the majority of Iranians have no personal experience with individual Baha’is and are influenced entirely by state propaganda. Facts like these play a significant role in the formation of stereotypes and in the dehumanisation of target groups, (…) the state and media hate-propaganda aiming to dehumanise the Baha’is is having an impact. The Baha’is are seen as heretics because they believe in a prophet who appeared after Mohammed. Furthermore, Baha’is are accused of working for foreign powers such as the USA and Israel. Baha’is suffer verbal abuse, being called ‘prostitutes’. They are said to be ‘incestuous’ and ‘filthy’. (…) it is easier for perpetrators to murder Baha’is when they have previously been dehumanised. (…) the Iranian government has long since adopted steps to diminish the position of Baha’is in society. This is in preparation for a possible extermination of the community. Preparatory measures include exclusion from state bodies, restriction of their economic participation and exclusion from academic education. (…) Iranian regime is determined to destroy the Baha’i community’s cultural survivability. In addition, the regime has the potential to physically eliminate the Baha’i community. While the regime has not yet undertaken such a step towards physical elimination, some factors point towards the fact that persecution is to be intensified or even a genocidal massacre be carried out. (…) There are several factors that lead to genocide: the government attempts to block escape routes that the persecuted target group could use in order to travel abroad. The Baha’i community could become ghettoised, which would make mass arrest a simple affair. In the history of genocide, men and women were separated within communities. There is also the danger of Baha’i children being separated from their parents, since the aim of the regime to convert the Baha’i to Islam has failed. Separating children from their families could succeed in preventing growth in the community. (…) The Iranian rulers not only oppress Baha’is on a large scale; they also invoke hate and genocide against Jews. This makes them accomplices in crimes against humanity. The Iranian government must be held accountable.” http://iranpresswatch.org/post/4305/


Bajá’í World News Service: “Romeo Dallaire, a Canadian senator and retired general who commanded the UN peacekeeping mission to Rwanda at the height of the genocide there, has issued a statement saying that the international community should be prepared to act to protect Iranian Baha’is from possible atrocities. (…) General Dallaire pointed to the recent discovery of a secret letter from the Iranian military command headquarters to intelligence services, the army, police and the Revolutionary Guard, ordering them to draw up lists of Iranian Baha’is and put them under surveillance, as a key reason for his concern. (…) General Dallaire also expressed concern over a government-sponsored media campaign against Baha’is in Iran. (…) He also noted that there has been a rise in the arrest and arbitrary detention of Baha’is in Iran.”

Liutenant-General Romeo Dellaire: “In Iran, as in other areas like Darfur where evil is at work, the international community must be ready to act before civilians are harmed,” (…) “This inventorying and targeting of citizens, based on their religious beliefs or racial heritage, is the first ugly step toward systematic violence and crimes against humanity,” (…) “My experience in Rwanda and with other conflicts tells me that the world had better pay close attention whenever a country’s media begin to spread hate propaganda against one particular group,” (…) “I am deeply concerned that Iran’s Baha’is are now being specifically targeted by a regime that has the means to carry out the most despicable of intentions,” http://news.bahai.org/story/481


The Foreign Policy Centre: “The systematic and pre-meditated persecution of the Bahá’ís is a clear case of genocide, because as Article 6 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court states: “genocide” means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: (a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group. (…) Although international support for the Bahá’ís is on the rise, nevertheless, world players remain silent about this genocide-in-progress. Perhaps one day soon democracies around the globe will stand up against the systematic persecution of the Bahá’ís in Iran, which is a prime example of the totalitarian rule in the Islamic Republic of Iran.”[24]


Friedrich W. Affolter: “The Iranian Bahá’í Community is an example of a minority group that throughout its 150 year history has suffered ongoing persecutions and attempts of what Smith (1998) terms as ideological genocide; it also is one of the few documented cases of a minority that has managed to resist peacefully, and to somewhat protect itself by rallying world public opinion in support of its struggle for survival. (…) Since the inception of the Bahá’í Faith in the middle of last century, the Bahá’í community of Iran has experienced ongoing persecutions. (…) It is ‘ideological’ in nature since the Iranian authorities’ motives to strike violently against the Iranian Bahá’ís is based on the desire to consolidate the Islamic Revolution as the chief instrument for the purification of society and the reestablishment of Islamic law, order and justice. (…) Bahá’ís in Iran share a fate similar to that of European Jews who had been demonized by Christians as enemies of God; Argentinean communists who had been devalued by the military; or urban Cambodian intellectuals who had been accused of impeding the liberation of the Cambodian proletariat. Although the only non‐Muslim religious community in the world that actually bears witness to the authenticity of the Religion of Islam, Bahá’ís are viewed as enemies of Islam, and as ideological heretics who challenge the fulfillment of a cherished Shí’i religious vision. (…) Ideological genocide continues to loom on the horizon, and it will take continued international efforts to persuade Iranian authorities to prevent further violence against the Bahá’ís of Iran.”[25]

  1. W. Apple Jr (The New York Times): “the latest chapter in a long history of the Baha’i persecution unfolded before an Islamic tribunal. Of 21 members of the sect on trial for spying and alleged links with Israel, 20 were condemned to death, according to a Baha’i spokesman in London. The remaining defendant was pardoned. (…) The Baha’is have been the scapegoats of Persian and then Iranian society for generations. Donald M. Barrett, the secretary-general of the Baha’i World Center in Haifa, Israel, says 20,000 Baha’is have been killed in Iran during the last 100 years. Since the advent of the Khomeini regime in 1979 at least 135 Baha’is, many of them spiritual leaders, have been executed. (…) Mr. Barrett said, members of local spiritual assemblies in every locality have been picked up. Exact numbers are not known, but it seems that thousands have been jailed or abducted. (…) Baha’i leaders and several independent observers use the word ”genocide” to describe what they fear is happening.”


Baha’i office at the United Nations: ”campaign of religious persecution so malevolent, so intense, so sustained and so far-reaching that it presages the eradication of the Baha’i community as a religious minority in Iran.” http://www.nytimes.com/1983/02/27/weekinreview/iran-s-baha-is-some-call-it-genocide.html


United Nations General Assembly Report, November 8, 1993: “It was alleged that Baha’i-owned cemeteries, holy places, historical sites, administrative centres and other assets, seized mostly in 1979, remained confiscated or had been destroyed. Having access only to those cemeteries which the Government has designated for them, Baha’is in many localities experience difficulties in burying their dead. Baha’is are not permitted to mark the graves of their fellow Baha’is, making it almost impossible to identify the graves of their loved ones. The Special Representative was informed that graves of Iranian Baha’is in the Baha’i cemetery of Tehran were being destroyed by order of the authorities and that the remains of human bodies were being loaded into trucks and removed to a destination unknown to the relatives. (…) It was further alleged that many Baha’is in the Islamic Republic of Iran continued to be deprived of the means of earning a living. More than 10,000 Baha’is had been dismissed from positions in government and education in the early 1980s because of their religious beliefs. A considerable number of them remained unemployed and received no unemployment benefits. The retirement pensions of Baha’is dismissed on religious grounds had been terminated. Some Baha’is dismissed from government posts had even been required to return salaries or pensions paid to them. It was also said that Baha’is were not officially allowed to open their own businesses. There had been incidents of harassment in the cities of Karaj and Aran in Kashan where Baha’is had been ordered to close their stores. Baha’i farmers were denied admittance to farmers’ cooperatives, which were often the only source of credit, seeds, pesticide and fertilizer.” https://www.iranrights.org/attachments/library/doc_193.pdf

U.S. Committee on Foreign Affairs: “Since 1979, authorities have killed more that 200 Baha’i leaders. Emboldened by Iranian Law and policy, militant societal actors have physically attacked Baha’is and committed violent acts with impunity, including arson on Baha’i homes and businesses Since October 2010, dozens of shops have been attacked; in all cases, police claimed they could not find the perpetrators. Dozens of Baha’i homes and business have received letters warning that Baha’is will suffer severe consequences for forming friendship with Muslims.”[26]


  1. CLER BAHERI, MEMBER OF THE BAHA’I COMMUNITY: “The Baha’i community of Iran has been the target of systemic and severe state-sponsored persecution since the Islamic Revolution of 1979. My family and my husband’s family have experienced this persecution firsthand. (…) When the revolution began in 1979, I was 12. My father, Mehdi Baheri, had been serving on the local spiritual assembly of Tabriz, the elected governing council of the Baha’i community in that city. As a result, our house was raided five times. And finally, in 1980, my father and several other members of the Tabriz assembly, along with two other local Baha’is, were arrested and imprisoned. (…) In prison, my father was notified that because he was a Baha’i, his employment as an accountant with the Ministry of Health had been terminated, and salary owed to him was canceled. And his retirement funds, which had accumulated over the course of 24 years in the civil service, were repossessed. (…) On July 29, ’81, at the age of 47, my father, Mehdi Baheri, was executed. (…) When my family was informed of my father’s death, one of our relatives went to receive the body. The prison authorities forced them to pay for the bullets that had taken his life. Later that night, the executions were announced on the radio. The announcer stated that my father and the others were convicted of corruption on Earth and warring against God.


Comunidad Internacional Baha’í:la casa de Mírzá Abbas Nuri, renombrado calígrafo del siglo xviii, era una obra maestra de la arquitectura islámica. Situada en Teherán (…) Sin embargo, el verano de 2004, las autoridades iraníes demolieron la vivienda. La razón era harto evidente: la casa constituía uno de los lugares sagrados e históricos para los bahá’ís de Irán por cuanto Mírzá Abbas Nuri era el padre de Bahá’u’lláh, el Fundador de la Fe bahá’í. (…) Desde su llegada al poder en 1979, el gobierno de Irán, encabezado por el clero islámico, ha perseguido sistemáticamente a los bahá’ís de Irán valiéndose de ejecuciones, encarcelamientos, tortura y una amplia gama de medidas destinadas a empobrecer y desalojar a la minoría religiosa más amplia del país. (…) Entre 1978 y 1998, más de 200 bahá’ís fueron ejecutados por el gobierno iraní. Cientos de bahá’ís fueron encarcelados, torturados, y decenas de miles se vieron privados de sus puestos de trabajo, pensiones, negocios y oportunidades educativas. (…) Los bahá’ís, cualquiera que sea su lugar de residencia en Irán, continúan sufriendo hostigamiento y la amenaza de detenciones por períodos breves. Así, en la primavera de 2005 más de 35 bahá’ís de diversas zonas eran encarcelados sin que se presentaran cargos en su contra. Aunque muchos permanecieron detenidos durante menos de una semana, otros sufrieron encarcelamientos de más de tres meses de duración, en una suerte de “rueda” de detenciones destinada principalmente a aterrorizarlos y reprimirlos. Varios prisioneros, por ejemplo, permanecían en celdas incomunicadas, en emplazamientos desconocidos, mientras sus familiares trataban desesperadamente de dar con su paradero. Además, los agentes del gobierno realizaron pesquisas prolongadas en numerosos hogares, incautándose de documentación, libros, ordenadores, fotocopiadoras y demás pertenencias. (…) Aparte de la destrucción de los lugares sagrados bahá’ís y de la denegación de oportunidades educativas para los jóvenes bahá’ís, el gobierno ha adoptado en años recientes un régimen de arrestos arbitrarios, encarcelamientos por períodos breves y confiscación de hogares y propiedades, todo ello con el objeto de acosar e intimidar a la comunidad bahá’í. La comunidad en su conjunto sigue sometida a numerosos atropellos, como por ejemplo el desmantelamiento de sus instituciones administrativas, la restricción de sus prácticas de culto, y la violación flagrante de su derecho a recibir la misma protección que los demás al amparo de la ley. (…) En los años ochenta del siglo xx, tras ejecutar a los bahá’ís ante un pelotón de fusilamiento, los oficiales iraníes exigían frecuentemente a los familiares el pago de la munición empleada contra las víctimas. (…) Diez mujeres bahá’ís, arrestadas y acusadas del “delito de impartir clases religiosas a niños y jóvenes, son ahorcadas, una a una, desde la mayor a la más joven, mientras las demás aguardaban su turno. Los prisioneros que contemplaron los ahorcamientos de 1983 manifestaron que los verdugos confiaban en forzar a las más jóvenes a renegar de su Fe, o simplemente a que dijeran que no eran bahá’ís. Ninguna lo hizo, todas prefirieron morir antes que renunciar a sus creencias. (…) A finales de los años ochenta del siglo xx, los bahá’ís, en un intento de educar a sus más jóvenes, excluidos por decreto gubernativo de todo acceso a la educación superior en Irán, establecen sus propias clases universitarias en domicilios particulares repartidos por todo el país. En 1998, los funcionarios iraníes lanzan redadas contra 500 hogares que acogían estas clases; como consecuencia se produce la detención de treinta maestros y la confiscación de libros, mobiliario y equipamiento educativo valorados en cientos de miles de dólares. (…) [Estos] acontecimientos equivalen nada menos que a una campaña sistemática cuyo fin es la erradicación total de toda una comunidad minoritaria. En definitiva, asistimos a un intento de limpieza cultural protagonizado por el gobierno del país. (…) la actual campaña de persecución sistemática dio comienzo con la revolución islámica de 1979. A finales de los años setenta y comienzos de los años ochenta del siglo xx, prácticamente todos los miembros destacados de la comunidad bahá’í iraní habían sido arrestados, ejecutados o bien estaban desaparecidos. En conjunto, desde que se instauró la República Islámica, más de 200 bahá’ís han sido asesinados o ejecutados, y cerca de 1.000 bahá’ís han sido encarcelados. (…) La campaña pretendía abiertamente, entonces, la destrucción completa de la comunidad bahá’í. Miles de bahá’ís fueron expulsados de sus puestos de trabajo, privados de sus pensiones o excluidos de toda educación (incluyendo la primaria y secundaria). (…) Todo ello ha sido ampliamente documentado. Los gobiernos y organizaciones no gubernamentales, así como los medios de difusión han dado amplia cuenta de la persecución de los bahá’ís de Irán. En las décadas de 1980 y 1990, la comunidad internacional se movilizó para condenar esta injusta persecución mediante una serie de resoluciones de Naciones Unidas y de otras instituciones. (…) En 1993, afloraban pruebas concretas de que el gobierno había adoptado de hecho un programa maestro para la estrangulación silenciosa de la comunidad bahá’í. La prueba la ofrecía el memorándum secreto redactado por el Consejo Revolucionario Supremo de la Cultura (CRSC), fechado en 1991 (véase p. 20 para el texto completo del documento) (…) El memorándum requiere que los bahá’ís iraníes sean tratados de forma que pueda frenarse “completamente el progreso y desarrollo” de la comunidad bahá’í. Se trata de la primera vez que se tiene constancia irrefutable de que la campaña que sufren los bahá’ís está dirigida por el gobierno central. (…) tanto en Teherán como en otras ciudades de todo el país, los edificios bahá’ís sufrieron saqueo e incendios, se arrasaron los cementerios bahá’ís y se profanaron las tumbas. En la zona de Teherán, se forzó a los bahá’ís a enterrar a sus muertos en un terreno baldío reservado por las autoridades para los “infieles”. Disponer de un lugar de entierro es especialmente importante para los bahá’ís puesto que, como cabe suponer, no se les permite enterrar a sus muertos en los cementerios musulmanes. (…) Durante los últimos años, ha habido un incremento en la confiscación de propiedades bahá’ís, especialmente en las ciudades de Rafsanjan, Kerman, Marv-Dasht y Yazd. También han sido confiscadas propiedades de titularidad bahá’í en Teherán, en la población de Kata y en Matneq. (…) las autoridades iraníes siguen considerando que la Fe bahá’í es un movimiento ilegal; y legitiman, a través de los tribunales, las violaciones cometidas contra los derechos de los ciudadanos iraníes que son miembros de la comunidad bahá’í. (…) A la luz de la doctrina iraní sobre el gobierno islámico esta omisión ha venido a significar que los bahá’ís carecen de toda suerte de derechos, por lo que puede atacárseles y perseguírseles con total impunidad. Los tribunales de justicia de la República Islámica han denegado la concesión a los bahá’ís del derecho a la protección y denuncia contra las agresiones, matanzas u otras formas de persecución, y han llegado a exonerar de culpa a aquellos ciudadanos iraníes que hayan matado o herido a los bahá’ís, atendiendo a la condición de “infieles desprotegidos” de estos últimos. (…) Desde 1979, cerca de 1.000 bahá’ís han sido arrestados y encarcelados. En 1986 cerca de 750 bahá’ís se encontraban entre rejas, en la mayoría de los casos ni siquiera se les había sometido a juicio. (…) Con edades comprendidas entre los 17 y los 57 años, (…) diez mujeres bahá’ís fueron conducidas en sucesión al cadalso. Al parecer, las autoridades confiaban en que, conforme las víctimas veían cómo las demás morían estranguladas lentamente, renunciarían a su propia fe. (…) Todas estas mujeres habían sufrido interrogatorios y torturas en los meses anteriores. En efecto, ya en el depósito de cadáveres, los cuerpos de algunas mostraban heridas todavía visibles. (…) Todas ellas habían creído que era su deber enseñar clases de religión bahá’í, con mayor razón cuando el Gobierno había prohibido que los niños bahá’ís acudiesen a la escuela. (…) La persecución de los bahá’ís de Irán no tiene relación alguna con cuestiones subyacentes relacionadas con tensiones étnicas o con determinada agenda política. La gran mayoría de los bahá’ís iraníes procede de la misma ascendencia persa y azerbaiyaní que es común al resto de la población. Sus miembros representan a todas las clases sociales de Irán.[27]


Moojan Momen, Journal of Genocide Studies, volume 7, number 2, June 2005, pp. 221-241: “The Babi and later the Baha’i community of Iran have suffered persecution from the very beginning of their history in the middle of the nineteenth century in Iran. At times the level of persecution has been intense, while at other times, it has lessened. There is no period in its history in Iran, however, when this religious community could be said to have been free of persecution. The persecutions have usually been examined in relationship to the human rights violations that have occurred and the question of whether the term genocide would apply has rarely been considered. (…) In order to elucidate the background to this paper, the following is a description of the four phases of the persecutions that the Babis and Baha’is in Iran have suffered.[28] (…) Conservative estimates put the total number of Babis killed during the whole period of 1848 to 1853 at 3,000, while other historians, including the Iranian court chronicler Sipihr and the Baha’i leader `Abdu’l-Baha (1844-1921) claim 20,000 or more. (…) the Babi movement had effectively been silenced and driven underground. It was not until the late 1860s that the Babi movement resurfaced. By this time, it had been reinvigorated and transformed under the leadership Baha’u’llah. (…) Although Baha’u’llah forbade the Baha’is to take any action against the state or even to meddle in politics, the Iranian government and religious leaders continued their unrelenting hostility towards the movement. (…) For example in the Isfahan area where there were probably no more than 2,000 Baha’is, between 1874 and 1921, there were some 19 episodes of persecution resulting in about 15 deaths (Momen, 1991, p 33). The most serious episode during this phase was in Yazd in 1903 when about 100 Baha’is were killed. (…) Among the persecutions and harassments that the United Nations special representative reported were suffered by individual Baha’is were the following: Imprisonment and torture; Expulsion of Baha’is from all government employment at the national and local level; Encouragement of and pressure on other employers to dismiss their Baha’i employees; Decrees that Government pensions were not payable to any Baha’is; Baha’is ordered to pay back past salaries and pensions paid to them over their life-time; Forced closure of Baha’i-owned businesses; Expulsion or refusal of admission of Baha’i children to schools and universities; Lack of official marriage certificates for Baha’is leading to married Baha’i women being considered to be prostitutes and Baha’i babies being considered illegitimate; Lack of places to bury Baha’i dead after confiscation of Baha’i cemeteries; Exclusion from necessary social amenities such as obtaining ration cards or food supplies, farmers being excluded from farmer’s cooperatives, etc.; Confiscation of property and bank accounts; Destruction of homes; Exclusion from inheritance bequests; Denial of passport applications; Forced marriages and adoptions of children; Extra-judicial abductions and murders (…) A declaration by the judiciary on several occasions that anyone who beat, robbed or killed a Baha’i could not be prosecuted for it, thus effectively giving a green light for anyone to do these things with impunity. (…) The result is a “religious cleansing” parallel to the “ethnic cleansing” that occurred in the Balkans, with Baha’is now almost entirely cleared from large areas of rural Iran. This aspect of the persecutions, because it has happened in more isolated areas, has yet to be fully documented and has escaped the notice of most reports. (…) Thus the Baha’i persecutions can be compared to the Albigensian Crusades carried out against the Cathars by the Pope, the King of France and the Inquisition (1208-1226). Joseph Strayer (1971, pp 8-10) states that the Inquisition used four techniques that led to the disintegration of the heretical sects. All of these techniques were used by European states of the later Middle Ages. Modern totalitarian governments have made few innovations; they have simply been more efficient. These four techniques were: 1. Continuing pressure. (…) 2. The use of torture. (…) 3. The imposition of social and economic disabilities. (…) 4. A nicely graded set of penalties that encouraged the weak to betray the strong in return for immunity or token punishments. (…) Robert Melson (cited in Chalk and Jonassohn, 1990, pp 18-19) has compared the Jewish and Armenian genocides and found the following factors in common. All of these factors can also be considered to be operating in the case of the Baha’is, especially in the period since 1979 (…) the persecutions [of the Baha’is] recall the early stages in the genocide against the Jews.”[29]


Iran Human Rights Documentation Center (IHRDC): “The regime’s coordinated attacks on this community have also been systematic. Since the founding of the Islamic Republic, the Iranian government has engaged in an official program to suffocate and ultimately destroy the Bahá’í community by, among other tactics, preventing Bahá’í participation in the country’s education and employment sectors.[30] According to the government, such deprivations are appropriate “punishment” for membership in an allegedly heretical sect.[31][32]

Circular from the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs: “In accordance with Paragraph 8 of Article 29 of the Reconstruction of Human Resources Policy for Ministries, Governmental Organizations and other Government affiliated Offices which was approved on 5/7/1362 [Oct. 27, 1981] by the Consultative Islamic Majlis, the punishment for membership in misguided sects recognized by all Muslims to be outside of Islam or membership in organizations whose doctrine and constitution are founded on the basis of rejecting the divine religions, is permanent dismissal from governmental employment.”[33]


Yan Maitri-Shi: In this document of Human Rights Council one can see graphics with lists of the imprisoned Baha’is in Iran (January 2013). These lists can be observed from page 51 to 72. These lists also show the Name of imprisoned Baha’í individuals, their Charges, Date of arrest, Sentence, City of arrest, Prison, Date of release and Date tried/sentenced. http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/IR/A-HRC-22-56_en.pdf

Human Rights and Democracy for Iran: “Bahá’í International Community, May 14, 2008. On 21 August 1980, all nine members of the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of Iran were abducted and disappeared without a trace. It is certain that they were killed. (…) The National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of Iran was reconstituted soon after that but was again ravaged by the execution of eight of its members on 27 December 1981. (…) A number of members of local Bahá’í governing councils, known as local Spiritual Assemblies, were also arrested and executed in the early 1980s, before an international outcry forced the government to slow its execution of Bahá’ís. Since 1979, more than 200 Bahá’ís have been killed or executed in Iran, although none have been executed since 1998. (…) In 1983, the government outlawed all formal Bahá’í administrative institutions and the Iranian Bahá’í community responded by disbanding its National Spiritual Assembly, which is an elected governing council, along with some 400 local level elected governing councils. Bahá’ís throughout Iran also suspended nearly all of their regular organizational activity.” https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/332/six-baha-i-leaders-arrested-in-iran-pattern-matches-deadly-sweeps-of-1980s


Yan Maitri-Shi: In this video by Western Washington University it can be seen the strategies of Iranian government in order to oppress Bahá’í people by means of preventing the Bahá’í community have access to education. Some slides prepared by the lecturer Michael Karlberg, who is Professor of Communication, are also shown where there appear various people who were executed or imprisoned due to teach to Bahá’ís or just for the fact of being a Bahá’í. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NqkDrdt3OgU


Special Report of the Bahá’í International Community: “Inciting Hatred – Iran’s media campaign to demonize Bahá’ís. (…) The demonization of Iran’s Bahá’í community is a matter that deserves the attention of governments, international legal institutions, and fair-minded people everywhere. If the Islamic Republic is not held accountable, this ongoing campaign of State-sponsored hatred and religious persecution could easily lead to escalating violence and even the potential resumption of the executions that the Bahá’ís suffered in the 1980s. (…) The Islamic Republic’s obsession with inciting hatred against its Bahá’í citizens is demonstrated in this table which lists the number of times a particular theme or term appeared in the catalog of some 440 articles or reports of seminars or broadcasts that were compiled by the Bahá’í International Community from 17 December 2009 to 16 May 2011: [the table is at the end of this paragraph] (…) Some 64% of the articles surveyed by the Bahá’í community contain language branding the Bahá’í Faith as a deviant, misguided sect and even as Satanists. Such references are often made in passing, (…) The portrayal of the Bahá’í Faith as a predatory cult can also be seen in recent statements by a number of top government officials, such as those of Mohammad Javad Larijani, a judiciary official who, as head of the national human rights council, led Iran’s delegations to the UN Human Rights Council in 2010.”

Director General of Endowments and Charitable Affairs of East Azerbaijan: [He said urging mosque leaders to be watchful for perverse groups] “Satanists, Bahaists, Wahhabists are growing and active and we should increase our efforts in the mosques’ religious and cultural activities,”

Mohammad Javad Larijani, a judiciary official who, as head of the national human rights council, led Iran’s delegations to the UN Human Rights Council in 2010: ““Bahaism is not a religion in Iran. The Jews are a minority [religion] and they have even members in the Parliament. The Christians are a minority [religion] and they have members in the Parliament. Zoroastrians are a minority [religion]. Bahá’ís are a cult and they are governed by the law which deals with various cults. To the extent that this cult does not prevent its followers from leaving, they are tolerated. Consequently, you can find Bahá’ís in universities as students and as teachers. There are more than 300 Bahá’í students in universities and there are [Bahá’í] professors. They are very affluent people; they have big factories and companies. So, they are protected by law according to the law which we refer to as a “citizenship contract”—regardless of their religion; so long as they [i.e., Bahá’ís] function within the structure of the law, they are under protection [of the law]. But the trouble begins when they start to act as a closed-door cult—meaning that people can get in but they can’t get out. We have had numerous such cases; some young Bahá’ís who wanted to leave this cult said this doesn’t make sense to us. So they have been summoned to meetings and have been warned that if they leave this cult they’ll be punished, will be debarred from inheritances and put under pressure. Accordingly, here the law steps in and will prevent the use of this much exclusivity or cultish domination. (…) Any cult, whether Bahá’í or Shia—it doesn’t matter—will be prevented by law from operating. We have had numerous cases of cults’ practices, even with Shia groups. People have been jailed because they were putting people in some farms and not permitting them to leave. So we will fight with any cult that prevents its followers the freedom to leave the cult, whether Shia or Bahá’í; it doesn’t matter.”

                                   Theme or term in an article      Number of articles     Percent
Bahá’ís are “misguided”, “deviant” or “satanist” 281 64%
Bahá’ís are a “sect” or “cult” 277 63%
Bahá’ís are “Zionists” or affiliated with Israel 76 17%
The Bahá’í Faith was created by colonial powers 58 13%
Bahá’ís influence human rights activists 43 10%
Bahá’ís are anti-Islam 41 9%
Bahá’ís are associated with opposition to the government 39 9%
Bahá’ís are involved in sedition 34 8%
Bahá’ís are involved in spying or espionage 34 8%
Bahá’ís exert control over foreign media 30 7%
Bahá’ís exerted control over the Shah 22 5%
Bahá’ís are morally corrupt (e .g . marriage, sexual relations) 16 4%
Bahá’ís deny or desecrate the Qur’an 14 3%



Shayan Arya, The Constitutionalist Party of Iran, February 26, 2015 Statement before the U.S. House of Representative Committee on Foreign Affairs: “Baha’is, one of the largest non-Muslim religious minorities, are considered by the Islamic Republic not as a religious minority but as a “subversive sect,” or “Fergheh-e-zalleh.” As such, they are subject to widespread discrimination. Baha’is are banned from all government positions. They are not allowed to have places of worship and are banned from teaching the faith. Young members of the Bahai faith are barred from universities and higher education. (…) In some cases, Bahai’s are even denied burial sites. Last November we heard about a twelve-year-old, Mahna Samandari who passed away and for weeks her parents were not able to bury her because the local authorities denied them the right to bury their child in the local cemetery of Tabriz. (…) Islamic regime’s pressure on Baha’is has intensified and several Baha’i families have been forced to sell their shops.[34] (…) The pattern is clear; Iranian authorities are systematically trying to close all doors to Baha’is so they will have no choice but to leave Iran.” http://docs.house.gov/meetings/FA/FA16/20150226/103068/HHRG-114-FA16-Wstate-AryaS-20150226.pdf

Bahaiteachings.org: “The persecution suffered by the Baha’i community of Iran since the Islamic Revolution in 1979–well documented by the United Nations, human rights organizations and the global media—has not only continued, but has now taken on a new, sinister and devious form. (…) The attack on Baha’i life in post-revolutionary Iran has included illegal appropriation and destruction of Baha’i holy places; confiscation and destruction of Baha’i community buildings; demolition, defacing and razing of Baha’i cemeteries; and the dissolution by government decree of all Baha’i administrative bodies and community activities. These blatant attacks against Baha’i community property and institutions, however, have been dwarfed by the scale and severity of the attacks on the human rights of the Baha’is themselves—including immediate expulsions from universities and schools; denial of education for Baha’i children and youth; mass firings from government and private-sector jobs; the failure of authorities to pursue and punish those committing crimes against Baha’is; and in many cases, imprisonment, torture, show trials, disappearances and executions. (…) Taking a page from the early Nazi persecution of the Jewish community in the 1930’s, this unscrupulous campaign has now grown exponentially, and targets individual Baha’is systematically. By denying Baha’is employment and education, by confiscating Baha’i businesses and bank accounts, by an ongoing propaganda war against the Baha’is in the state-controlled Iranian media, and by a methodical mass encouragement of the fundamentalist Muslim population to shun, attack and even kill Baha’is with impunity, the Iranian government intends to strangle, starve and stamp out the hundreds of thousands of Iranian Baha’is—all done in a silent way that remains obscured and hidden from a watching world. (…) In 1979, shortly after the Iranian revolution occurred, the revolutionary government froze and then confiscated all these communal funds. Just as the Nazis did to the Jewish community, its banks and businesses in the 1930’s, the Iranian Government has done to the Baha’is. (…) The Baha’i Children’s Savings Company, known in Iran as Shirkat-i Nawnahalan, began as a savings bank for Baha’i children in 1917. As successive generations of Baha’i children grew up, they kept their savings–primarily intended for their future educations–with the company, and local and national Baha’i institutions also placed their deposit funds there. The Iranian government raided and took over the offices of this company in early June of 1979, freezing and then confiscating all of its assets, estimated at $5 million—literally stealing money from children.” http://bahaiteachings.org/irans-silent-genocide-of-the-bahais#

Written statement submitted by the Bahá’í International Community to the UN on 23/2/1998: “Since 1979, more than 200 Bahá’ís have been killed and 15 others have disappeared and are presumed dead. In July 1997 two Bahá’ís, Mr. Masha’llah Enayati and Mr. Shahram Reza’i, were killed because of their religious beliefs. (…)Mr. Masha’llah Enayati, a 63-year-old Bahá’í resident of Tehran, died on 4 July 1997, after being severely beaten while in custody. During a visit to his native village of Ardistan to attend a Bahá’í meeting, Mr. Enayati was arrested under circumstances which are not clear. He was taken to prison in Isfahan, where he was severely beaten on all parts of the body. It appears that he was held in prison for about a week, before being taken to a hospital where he eventually passed away. Mr. Enayati’s death certificate is worded in a most unusual way, suggesting that the doctor himself may have been under threat. Under cause of death the doctor entered in his own handwriting, will be known later.” https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/77/statement-submitted-to-the-united-nations-by-the-bahai-international-community-23-2-1998


Genocide Watch Report on Iran: “The Shi’ite Muslim Iranian government regards the Baha’i as apostates and treats them as a heretical cult. Between 1978 and 1998 more than 200 Baha’i were killed or disappeared. Many others are still wrongfully imprisoned. The Baha’i are subject to widespread and systematic discrimination and persecution. (…) The Iranian government targets other minority groups as well. Recent facts evidence the persecution of the ethnic Arab minority in Iran (…) Furthermore, Sunni Muslims – who are predominantly Kurds but also Arabs –as well as Jews and Christians, face discrimination, arbitrary imprisonment, harassment and intimidation. Since the election of president Ahmadinejad in 2005 the religious and ethnic discrimination has increased. (…) Since the election of president Ahmadinejad in 2005 the Iranian government has led an anti-Semitic campaign against Israel that is reminiscent of the propaganda of Nazi Germany. Dr. Gregory Stanton, the president of Genocide Watch and President of the International Association of Genocide Scholars, has denounced Iranian threats to “wipe Israel off the face of the map” as incitement to genocide” http://genocidewatch.net/2013/03/20/genocide-alerts-iran/

  1. W. Apple Jr. (The New York Times): “Businesses have been confiscated, trade licenses revoked; retired government employees have lost pensions. Houses, crops and animals have been destroyed; shrines and cemeteries demolished; children have been denied places in schools. The house of the Bab in Shiraz – which means as much to Baha’is as the Church of the Nativity means to Christians, the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem means to Jews and the Kaaba shrine in Mecca means to Muslims – was bulldozed, Mr. Barrett said. The site is now a parking lot.” http://www.nytimes.com/1983/02/27/weekinreview/iran-s-baha-is-some-call-it-genocide.html

Bahá’ís of the United States – Testimony of Anthony N. Vance Director of Public Affairs: “The UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief, Heiner Bielefeldt, has stated that the plight of the Bahá’ís in Iran is one of the clearest cases of state-sponsored persecution. (…) the treatment of Baha’ís in Iran is a Prime example of scapegoating, a phenomenon that has occurred in many societies throughout history, in which ethnic or religious minorities are targeted in times of societal difficulties and are irrationally and unfairly blamed for all manner of political, economic, and social problems. (…) The relative calm that the Bahá’ís had enjoyed throughout much of the twentieth century, in which they could, for the most part, make a living and raise their children in peace, was shattered. Bahá’ís again became the target of severe and systematic state-sponsored persecution, and it became official government policy to oppress Bahá’ís. During the Revolution and in the early years afterward, over 200 Bahá’ís were killed, the majority by execution. Thousands were imprisoned, many of them tortured. Bahá’í holy places were destroyed and Bahá’í cemeteries have repeatedly been attacked and desecrated, including the current ongoing excavation of the large Baha’i cemetery in Shiraz. (…) The government has made concerted efforts to impoverish and quietly suffocate the Bahá’i community. After the Revolution, Bahá’ís were dismissed from government jobs and denied pensions and private employers have been pressured not to hire Bahá’ís. Bahá’ís still suffer frequent raids on their homes and businesses, including a recent spate of shop closures, and their property is routinely seized with compensation. Bahá’ís were also dismissed from university positions after the Revolution, and Bahá’i students continue to be excluded from the nation’s universities. (…) In 2013, on the eve of the inauguration of President Hassan Rouhani, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei re-issued a religious decree prohibiting Iranian Muslims from associating with members of the “deviant sect,” a well-known reference to Bahá’ís. (…) All religious minorities in Iran face discrimination and persecution. Unlike Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians, however, Bahá’ís are not recognized in the Iranian constitution and therefore have no legal status as persons. Under Iranian law, the blood of Bahá’ís is mobah, meaning that it can be spilled with impunity. In other words, Bahá’ís can obtain no redress for violent attacks, arson or other types of crimes against them, whether committed by the authorities or by fellow citizens. In August of 2013, Ataollah Rezvani, a Bahá’í in Bandar Abbas was found dead, shot in the head in his car on the outskirts of town. In February of 2014, a Bahá’í family in Birjand was attacked by a masked intruder in their home; all three of them were stabbed, though they fortunately survived. The authorities have not pursued suspects in either case.” http://docs.house.gov/meetings/FA/FA16/20150226/103068/HHRG-114-FA16-Wstate-VanceA-20150226.pdf





Comunidad Internacional Baha’í: Apéndice II, La Respuesta del Naciones Unidas:

  • 1980: La Resolución 10 (XXXIII) (10 .9. 1980) de la Subcomisión para la Prevención de la Discriminación y para la Protección de las Minorías expresa su preocupación por la situación del pueblo Baha’i.
  • 1981: La Resolución 8 (XXXIV) (9 .9. 1981) de la Subcomisión para la Prevención de la Discriminación y para la Protección de las Minorías llama la atención de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos sobre la situación de peligro que afecta a los bahá’ís.
  • 1982: La Resolución 1982/27 (11.3.1982) de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos toma nota del informe del Secretario general al tiempo que solicita de éste que establezca contacto directo con el Gobierno de Irán y la Resolución 1982/25 (8.9. 1982) de la Subcomisión para la Prevención de la Discriminación y para la Protección de las Minorías expresa su prolongada preocupación por las violaciones de los derechos humanos acaecidas en Irán.
  • 1983: La Resolución 1983/34 (8.3.1983) de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos y la Resolución 1983/14 (5.9.1983) de la Subcomisión para la Prevención de la Discriminación y para la Protección de las Minorías, expresa su grave preocupación por la persecución religiosa contra los Baha’is.
  • 1984: Resolución 1984/54 de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos; Decisión 1984/138 del Consejo Económico y Social y Resolución 1984/14 (29.8.1984) de la Subcomisión para la Prevención de la Discriminación y para la Protección de las Minorías expresando su consternación ante las repetidas violaciones de derechos humanos en Irán.
  • 1985: Resolución 1985/39 (13.3.1985) de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos suscribe las observaciones generales de su Representante Especial, expresa su profunda preocupación ante el número y gravedad que revisten las supuestas violaciones de derechos humanos atestiguadas por su informe preliminar; Decisión 1985/148 del Consejo Económico y Social suscribe la decisión de la Comisión; Resolución 1985/17 (29.8.1985) de la Subcomisión para la Prevención de la Discriminación y para la Protección de las Minorías; Resolución 40/141 (13.12.1985) de la Asamblea General.
  • 1986: Resolución 1985/41 (12.3.1986) de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos expresa su profunda preocupación ante las alegaciones concretas y detalladas de violaciones de derechos humanos ocurridas en la República Islámica de Irán; decisión 1986/137 del Consejo Económico y Social aprueba la decisión de la Comisión y prorroga el mandato del Representante Especial; y la resolución 41/159 (4. 12. 1986) de la Asamblea General.
  • 1987: Resolución E/CN.4/RES11987/55 (11.3.1987) de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos; Decisión 1987/150 del ECOSOC; Resolución E/CN.4/Sub.2/RES/1987/12 (1.9.1987) de la Subcomisión sobre la Prevención de la Discriminación y Protección de las Minorías; y la Resolución 42/136 (7.12.1987) de la Asamblea General toma nota de la resolución de la Comisión 1987/55.
  • 1989: Resolución E/CN.4/RES/1989/66 (7.3.1989) de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos; Resolución E/CN.4íSub.2/RES/1989/10 (31.8.1989) de la Subcomisión para la Prevención de la Discriminación y para la Protección de las Minorías; y la Resolución 44/163 (15.12.1989) de la Asamblea General.
  • 1990: Resolución E/CN.4/RES/1990/79 (7.3.1990) de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos; Decisión E/CN.4/Sub.2/RES/1990/9 (30.8.1990) de la Subcomisión para la Prevención de la Discriminación y para la Protección de las Minorías; Resolución 45,173 (18.12.1990) de la Asamblea General.
  • 1991: Resolución E/CN.4/RES/1 991/82 (7.3.1991) de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos; Decisión 1991/261 del ECOSOC; Resolución E/CN.4/Sub.2/RES/1991/9 (23.8.1991) de la Subcomisión para la Prevención de la Discriminación y para la Protección de las Minorías.
  • 1992: Resolución E/CN.4/RES/1992/67 (4.3.1992) de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos; La Resolución 2/CN.4/Sub.2/RES/1992/15 (27.8.1992) de la Subcomisión para la Prevención de la Discriminación y Protección de las Minorías observa en particular que la “situación de la Comunidad bahá’í en la República Islámica de Irán continúa siendo motivo de gran preocupación”; Resolución 47/146 (18.12.1992) de la Asamblea General.
  • 1993: Resolución E/CN.4/RES/1992/62 (10.3.1993) de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos expresa su profunda preocupación ante los informes continuos sobre violaciones de derechos humanos ocurridas en la República Islámica de Irán; Resolución E/CN .4/Sub.2/RES/1993/14 (20.4.1993) de la Subcomisión para la Prevención de la Discriminación y Protección de las Minorías, gravemente preocupada por la represión sistemática de la comunidad bahá’í y el lamentable estado de los kurdos iraníes
  • 1994: Resolución E/CN.4/RES/1994/73 (9…. 1994) de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos; resolución E/CN.4/Sub.2/RES/1994/16 (25. 8.1994) de la Subcomisión para la Prevención de la Discriminación y Protección de las Minorías profundamente preocupada ante las violaciones amplias y continuadas de los derechos humanos por parte del Gobierno de la República Islámica de Irán; y la resolución 49/202 (23. 12. 1994) de la Asamblea General.
  • 1995: resolución E/CN.4/RES/1995/68 (8. 3. 1995) de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos expresa su profunda preocupación; la resolución E/CN.4/Sub.2/RES/1995/18 (24.8.1995) de la Subcomisión para la Prevención de la Discriminación y Protección de las Minorías; y resolución 50/188 (22. 12. 95) de la Asamblea General.
  • 1996: resolución E/CN.4/RES/1996/84 (24 .4. 1996) de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos; resolución E/CN.4/Sub.2/RES/1996/7 (20. 8. 1996) de la Subcomisión sobre Prevención de la Discriminación y Protección de las Minorías; La resolución 51/107 (12. 12. 96) de la Asamblea General.
  • 1997: resolución E/CN.4/RES/1997/54 (15 .4. 1997) de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos expresa “su preocupación: (b) ante las graves violaciones de los derechos humanos de los bahá’ís de la República Islámica de Irán y las situaciones de discriminación dirigidas contra los miembros de esta comunidad religiosa, así como ante el trato discriminatorio de las minorías en razón de sus creencias religiosas, incluyendo algunas minorías cristianas; resolución 52/142 de la Asamblea General.
  • 1998: resolución E/CN.4/RES/1998/80 (22.4.1998) de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos; resolución 53/158 (9. 12. 1998) de la Asamblea General.
  • 1999: resolución E/CN.4/RES/1999/13 (23 .4. 1999) de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos; resolución A/RES 754/177 (17212. 1999) de la Asamblea General.
  • 2000: La resolución E/CN.4/2000/L.16 (10.4.2000) la Comisión de Derechos Humanos; resolución A/RES/55/114 (4. 12.00) La Asamblea General.
  • 2001: resolución E/CN.4/RES/2001/17 (20 .4. 2001) la Comisión de Derechos Humanos; resolución A/RES/56/171 (19. 12. 2001) La Asamblea General.
  • 2003: La resolución A/RES/58/195 (22. 12. 03). La Asamblea General expresa su grave preocupación.
  • 2004: La resolución A/RES/59/205 (02.11.04). La Asamblea General expresa su grave preocupación ante la prolongada discriminación dirigida contra las personas pertenecientes a las minorías, incluyendo los cristianos, judíos y suníes.[35]




News article from The Guardian: “Officials are confiscating the statues from shops in the capital, Tehran, to stop the promotion of Buddhism, according to a report in the independent Arman daily. (…) The newspaper quoted Saeed Jaberi Ansari, an official for the protection of Iran’s cultural heritage, as calling the Buddha statues symbols of cultural invasion. (…) Some Islamists do not support the production of any statue, as they view it as a way to promote idols.”



Marc Perelman (Newspaper Forward): “Ahmadinejad has repeatedly used rabid anti-Israeli rhetoric, threatening to wipe Israel off the map, and has questioned over and over again the number of Jews killed in the Holocaust. Tehran recently hosted a conference to “assess” the Holocaust, and last year a leading daily newspaper held a contest soliciting Holocaust cartoons as a response to the uproar caused by a Danish caricature contest of Prophet Muhammad.” http://forward.com/news/9834/iranian-jews-reject-outside-calls-to-leave-1/


Israel National News quotes Alireza Forghani, Khameini’s close adviser: “Israel is a cancerous tumor in the Middle East,” (…) “Israel is a satanic media outlet with bombers. Every Muslim is required to arm themselves against Israel.” (…) “I have already noted the usurper state of Israel poses a grave threat to Islam and Muslim countries. Islam and Muslim states must not lose this opportunity to remove the corruption from out midst. All of our problems are because of Israel – Israel of America.” (…) “The first step should be the absolute destruction of Israel. To this end, Iran could make use of long-range missiles. The distance between us is only 2,600 KM. It can be done in minutes. (…) Political subdivisions of states and political boundaries between units are not relevant and what is important is to divide the nations and territories based on beliefs and religions groups, blood and blood. Muslim blood must be separate from Infidel blood” www.israelnationalnews.com/News/News.aspx/152478

United States Commission International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) Annual Report on Iran 2015: “While Iran’s clerical establishment continued to express anti-Semitic sentiments, the level of anti-Semitic rhetoric from government officials has diminished over the past year. (…) Numerous programs broadcast on state-run television advance anti-Semitic messages. Official government discrimination against Jews continues to be pervasive, fostering a threatening atmosphere for the approximately 20,000 member Jewish community. ” http://www.uscirf.gov/sites/default/files/Iran%202015.pdf

Human Rights and Democracy for Iran: “Iran Democratic Front’s Protest Letter to President Ahmadinejad. Mr. Ahmadinejad, From the early days of your presidency, you have clearly stated the official policy of the Islamic Republic with regards to Israel, the one that was initiated by Ayatollah Khomeini. You have demanded that Israel be wiped from the map of the world.…No member of the UN can ask for the elimination of another member and, for this, the Islamic Republic is guilty. You implemented the policy of the Islamic Republic and, in this framework, denied the holocaust. Not only is this a crime from the standpoint of the law and of humanity, but it is a major blow to Iran’s national interest. By doing so you have supported the main policies of a regime that has become an imposed burden upon the Iranian people.https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/511/iran-democratic-fronts-protest-letter-to-president-ahmadi-nejad

FIDH – LDDHI: “The provisions of the Civil Code concerning inheritance clearly discriminate against non-Muslims in favour of beneficiary Muslims, if any. According to Article 881 of the Civil Code a non-Muslim cannot inherit property from a Muslim. Moreover, the same Article states that if one of the heirs of a non-Muslim is Muslim, the latter (regardless of that person’s relationship with the deceased) will collect the entire inheritance to the detriment of all other non-Muslim heirs. In practice, this law not only discriminates against religious minorities but also encourages conversion to Islam for material gain. (…) Marriage between a Muslim woman and a non-Muslim man is forbidden by Article 1059 of the Civil Code. However, Muslim men are allowed to marry non-Muslim women. This gender-based discrimination justifies the man’s domination in the couple. Therefore, a Muslim woman should not be dominated by a non-Muslim man.”[36]

International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran: “In 2010, the research group World Christian Database (WCD) recorded 270,057 Christians in Iran, or about 0.36 percent of the entire Iranian population of 74.7 million. In Iran, there are two main categories of Christians: ethnic and non-ethnic. The majority are ethnic Christians, which refers to Armenians and the Assyrians (or Chaldeans) who posses their own linguistic and cultural traditions. Most ethnic Christians are members of their community’s Orthodox church. Non-ethnic Christians are for the most part members of Protestant churches and most, though not all, are converts who came from Muslim backgrounds. The WCD in 2010 reported approximately 66,700 Protestant Christians in Iran, which represents about 25 percent of the Iranian Christian community. The Iranian government does not recognize converts as Christians and many converts do not report their faith publicly due to fear of prosecution. Thus the number of converts in Iran is likely undercounted. Several Iranian Christian organizations indicated to the Campaign that the number of Christian converts could be as high as 500,000, but such estimates could not be independently confirmed. (…) Ethnic Christians are subject to a variety of discriminatory legal provisions that reserve certain public posts such as judges and the president to Muslims, assign non-Muslims harsher punishment for certain crimes, favor Muslim family members in inheritance, and restrict interreligious marriages. (…) Supreme Leader Seyyed Ali Khamenei and other Iranian officials consider Christian converts to be apostates and part of a broader foreign conspiracy aimed at undermining ideological support for the state. (…) In 2005, coinciding roughly with the election of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the Iranian government ramped up its repression of Christian house churches, Persian-language Protestant churches, and converts. It has further intensified its efforts since 2010, under the rationale that evangelicals are a deviant form of Christianity, different from state-recognized Christianity, and that the house church movement is linked to “Western powers” and “Zionists” who are waging a soft war against the regime. As such, Iranian government, judiciary, security, and intelligence agencies have increasingly treated Protestant converts as a national security threat. Indeed, since 2005 authorities have arrested and prosecuted Protestants most often for security crimes against the state. (…) Measures systematically undertaken by the Iranian government, which include restricting church attendance, forbidding the formation of new churches, closing churches, restricting the distribution of bibles and Christian literature, harassing and monitoring church groups, arresting, detaining and prosecuting church leaders, criminalizing evangelism, and coercing Christians to return to Islam, are prohibited by the ICCPR [International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights] (…) According to Ahmed Shaheed, the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Iran, over 300 Christians have been arbitrarily arrested and detained throughout the country since 2010, 41 of which were detained for periods ranging from one month to over a year. Publicly available figures on Christian arrests and detentions could be significantly lower than actual numbers, as many arrestees fear further government persecution if they come forward. Most Christians arrested by authorities are eventually released, often with heavy bails. (…) six Christians interviewed by the Campaign reported being held in solitary confinement for extended periods of time, coupled with minimal contact with family, repeated interrogations, blindfolding, and poor prison conditions. The Campaign also uncovered a few first-hand accounts of physical abuse that included beatings, floggings, being hung from a hook and beaten with cables and hoses, and being burned with cigarettes. Detainees were told that if they talked about their interrogation or torture with anyone, they would be killed extra judicially. (…) In addition to arrests, detentions, and violations of the right to life, the Government of Iran systematically denies freedom of assembly and association to Protestants. (…) The Christian community in Iran, and in particular, Protestant converts, also face systematic discrimination in almost all walks of life. (…) The evidence of the systematic persecution of and discrimination against Protestant converts in Iran, in violation of international law and Iran’s own constitution, is demonstrated in great detail through firsthand testimony and documentation in this report. These violations demand international attention. The Iranian government has shown that it is responsive to international pressure, as reflected in the acquittal of Pastor Youcef Nadarkhani of apostasy. However, hundreds of Protestant converts continue to be prosecuted under vague national security charges and remain in danger of being charged with apostasy, and Protestants continue to be denied their basic rights in almost all walks of life. (…) Iranian officials and clerics try to differentiate evangelicals and house churches from Christianity. They claim that evangelicals and house churches are a deviant form of Christianity, different from state-recognized Christianity. (…) the threat of execution for apostasy is frequently invoked by authorities to pressure Christians to cease their religious practices. (…) Part and parcel of Iran’s persecution of Protestants is a systematic practice of monitoring and harassment. While these government acts are not fully distinct from other rights violations, they represent the violations experienced by many Christians who might otherwise never face a jail cell or a courtroom.”[37]

Davoud Rostami, 29-year-old convert from Karaj:  “In Iran, when you leave Islam for any other religion, you are identified as an apostate and, as the Iranian saying goes, your blood is haram (spoiled) and you can be executed.”


Human Rights Activists in Iran: “The suppression of Christians continued in 2014 by the security organizations and judiciary system. During Christmas, the security officers of the Islamic Republic attacked one of the church houses in south Tehran and arrested several Christian converts including Ehsan Sadeghi, Nazi Irani, Maryam Asadi, Ali Arfa, Vahid Safi, and Amin Mazloumi. (…) In the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran Shia is considered the main religion and the followers of Christianity are considered threat to Islam.  (…) The Security Forces arrested Beth Tamrouz, an Assyrian priest, and the celebration of Assyrian New Year got cancelled. In continuation of the suppression of Christians, a number of Christian were arrested by security officials including Behnam Irani, Reza Rabbani, Abdorreza Ali-Haghnejad, three of whom were sentenced to 18 years in prison. Also, one more year was added to the imprisonment decree of Farshid Fathi. (…) Gonabadi Sufis are amongst the most suppressed religious minorities in Iran in the recent years. In parallel with this policy, a significant number of them have been fired by government organizations. For example, Ali Moazzami, one of the Gonabadi Sufis in the city of Damghan, was dismissed from Imam Khomeini Relief Committee. Also, Seyyed Javad Mortazavi, a Gonabadi Sufi residing in Bandar Abbas, has been dismissed and disqualified due to religious faith. (…) In the Fars province, 35 Gonabadi Sufis were sentenced to 85 years in prison and payment of fine by the General Court of Kovar with charges of participation in hostilities and assault and disturbing public order after a complaint mobilized by 113 personnel of Basij and Clergymen. (…) Also, the branch #15 of the Supreme Court convicted Kazem Dehghan, Hamid-Reza Arayesh, Mohammad Ali Shamshirzan (sentenced to lifelong banishment ), as well as Mohammad Ali Dehghan, Mohammad Ali Sadeghi, Ebrahim Bahrami, Mohsen Ismaili to 7 years of exile. These sentences were later approved by the revolutionary court of Shiraz. (…) Moreover, several Gonabadi Sufis were summoned to the security offices and interrogated, and/ or their houses were searched by the authorities.  (…) Men of God or Yaresani Sufis are another religious minority that has not been recognized by the Islamic Republic as a religious group, and they have been harassed, threatened, and detained and summoned over the years. Violates the rights of religious minorities such as Yarsani Sufis continued in 2014. In one of the most important incidents, the security forces destroyed a cemetery named Ghaleh Gharadash where one of the followers of this religious group has been buried. Moreover, in continuation of suppression and pressure on the Iranian dissidents, two of the followers of Yarsani Faith were arrested in Kermanshah and six cities in the Hamedan. (…) Article 20 of the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran emphasized the equality of all citizens based on Islamic criteria. However, along with other religious minorities in Iran who have been deprived from substantial equity despite this clear constitutional right, followers of Sunni Muslims in Iran have been also subject to significant discrimination and suppression over the last three decades. They cannot take any strategic management position in the government and / or army, take advantage of opportunities are denied. Sunnis have always faced serious obstacles and limitations to promote their beliefs and their religious rituals from the government. (…) Some these serious cases of suppression or violations of Sunnis’ right include establishing the Council of Planning Sunnis Religious Schools by the government to control Sunnis education; depriving Sunni students from attending state universities in Iran or abroad; preventing them from holding prayers in Islamic feasts in Tehran; preventing Sunnis’ right to build mosques and ceremonies and feasts despite the fact that more than one million Sunnis live in Tehran; the security forces preventing Sunnis from holding Eid al-Adha prayers in Tehran; closing down the Sunni School named Sonnat Nabavi in Mashhad and arresting the professors of the school; harassment, arrest, and imprisonment of Sunni religious clergies and students; the arrest of Hussein Saburi and Sami Ziadi two Sunni converts with charges of corruption; preventing Molana Abdolmajid from attending the international society of Islamic world; issuing the execution decree for some of Sunni activists with charges of supporting Salfi groups; the execution of 6 Sunni individuals. (…) Khuzestan Arabs are deprived of the right to education in native language. The economic problems and the lack of recovery and reconstruction in the south of the country after the Iran-Iraq war is another problem that the Arabs of Iran have been facing. The government did not pay damages caused by war to refugees. Despite gigantic natural resources in particular oil reservoirs in Khuzestan, this province is suffering from poverty and lack of proper economic development. The people of this province blame the government for many of their problems and are not satisfied with the policies of the Islamic Republic. (…) Iranian Kurds, mostly live in the North West and the West of the country. Most of them are of the Sunni minority and therefore subject to discrimination on the basis of these two directions. Kurds mainly live in less developed regions in a traditional manner. One of the major problems of this region is poverty and unemployment. The presence of Iranian armed political parties in Iraqi Kurdistan has caused the central government to impose a security vision on this region. The border Police who is active in the area has been violently dealing with the local businessmen who purchase goods back and forth between Iran and Iraq border. In the last year, a dozens of them were targeted by the security forces and shot to death or injured. Due to high rate of unemployment in this region, a large number of citizens have turned to smuggling and human trafficking businesses. After Sistan-Baluchistan province, Iran’s Kurdistan province has had the second-lowest political participation during the elections. (…) Iran’s Baluchs live in the South East of Iran in one of the least developed provinces in the country. The highest rates of poverty, infant and child mortality, low life expectancy and the highest illiteracy rate in the country are reported from this province. Baluchs are always subject to systematic racial, economic and religious discrimination and are deprived of the right to education in the native language similar to other ethnic groups in Iran. (…) In 2014, the Iranian police opened fire without warning on the two separate incidents, killing three men and wounding a woman and a child (…) Abdullah Morad Zehi and his family including his wife and young children were returning from Zahedan and were shot without warning by Lt. Bendohi. According to the forensic doctor, he was not able to carry gun because of mental health problems. Mr. Morad Zehi died and his wife and son were seriously wounded and are currently in the hospital. (…) In the second incident, Thursday, September 11th, the police force in the Dehbandan station (District Noukabad city of Khash) opened fire on a Peugeot 405 car for unknown reasons without any notice. This resulted in wounding the driver and causing the vehicle to diverting from the road and eventually falling from the bridge. The car exploded immediately after the crash, and both crewmembers were burned to death. (…) In addition, there are a number of other violations of human rights in this province including the authorities rejecting registration of a newborn child in the province; the arrest of 30 individuals after security forces attacking the village of Nasir-Abad Sarbaz; killing of a Baluch citizen when the revolutionary guard forces opened fire in Khash; people gathering and demonstration when one young Baluch shot dead by the police force. (…) Azeris are one of the biggest ethnic minorities in Iran who share the same religious faith with the majority of the country but have been subject to discrimination due to their Turkish language. The Turkish language has been banned in business places and some of the Azeri activists have been arrested and imprisoned with charges of disturbing public order or acting against the national interests. Rasoul Razavi, Hussein Ali Mohamadi, and Taha Kermani are three Azeri activists condemned to 7 years in prison in a court in the city of Tabriz. Rejecting registration of a newborn child in the province because of his name Alp Urhan resulted in the arrest of a few civil activists including Naser Abdul-hoseinzadeh, Ali Rezai, Aydeen Zakeri, Amin Hajilou, Araz Khasehnezhad, and Islam Akbarlou. Also, Alireza Farshid, one of the operators of Native Language Facebook page, was arrested because of his efforts to officially register the International Day of Native Language.”[38]

UNITED NATIONS General Assembly, 31 October 2014: “Continued discrimination and other human rights violations, at times amounting to persecution, against persons belonging to ethnic, linguistic or other minorities, including Arabs, Azeris, Balochis and Kurds and their defenders, noting in particular reports of the violent suppression and detention of ethnic Arabs and Azeris, including ongoing violations of their due process rights and alleged torture while imprisoned, and the reported secret execution of members of the Ahwaz Arab community; (i)Ongoing severe limitations and restrictions on the right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion or belief and restrictions on the building of, as well as attacks against, places of worship and burial;(j)Continued harassment, at times amounting to persecution, and human rights violations against persons belonging to recognized religious minorities, including Christians, Jews, Sufi Muslims, Sunni Muslims and Zoroastrians and their defenders, noting in particular the arbitrary arrest and detention of Sufi Muslims, Sunni Muslims and evangelical Christians, including the continued detention of Christian pastors;”[39]


Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, 28 February 2013: “[Dervishes:]Interviews and information submitted to the Special Rapporteur continue to allege that Gonabadi Dervishes, who are Shia Muslims, are subjected to attacks on their places of worship, and are arbitrarily arrested, tortured, and prosecuted. Sources note that 12 Gonabadi Dervishes remained in official custody as of November 2012, including four lawyers, Farshid Yadollah, Amir Eslami, Omid Behroozi, and Mostafa Daneshjoo. It was further reported that on 12 December 2012 six dervishes from the city of Kovar were tried in a revolutionary court in Shiraz, some for the capital offence of Moharebeh.(…) [The Yarsan:] Seyyed Nasradin Heydari is the current leader of the Yarsan community in Iran, but according to most recent information is under house arrest and cannot travel freely at this time. He had been detained twice before, but popular protests led to his release. He has been under house arrest since his second arrest, and is now only permitted to receive visitors to arbitrate small claims cases within the community, according to a source. The source stated that when authorities in Iran ask the Yarsan about their religious affiliation, they often deny being Yarsan out of fear. He also reported that Yarsan are required to speak Farsi and perform Muslim rites of prayer at school, and that those who refuse are prohibited from receiving education.” http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/IR/A-HRC-22-56_en.pdf

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2014, United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor: “Officials continued to question the history and uniqueness of the Holocaust. On May 6, members of the Assembly summoned Foreign Minister Zarif and criticized him for having called the Holocaust a “tragedy” in an interview with a German television station. In a March 21 Nowruz, or Persian New Year, national address, Supreme Leader Khamenei asserted that the historical reality of the Holocaust was unknown and questioned if it actually did happen. (…) The government disproportionately targeted minority groups, including Kurds, Arabs, Azeris, and Baluchis, for arbitrary arrest, prolonged detention, and physical abuse (…) Human rights organizations, including the ICHRI and the IHRDC, observed that the government’s application of the death penalty disproportionately affected ethnic minorities. (…) Despite government programs to treat and provide financial and other assistance to persons with HIV/AIDS, international news sources and organizations reported that individuals known to be infected with HIV/AIDS faced widespread societal discrimination, including in schools and workplaces.” http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/236810.pdf

United Nations General Assembly, September 13, 2012: “It has been reported that more than 300 Christians have been arbitrarily arrested and detained throughout the country since June 2010, and that at least 41 individuals were detained for periods ranging from one month to over a year in prison, often without official charges. In some cases, detainees have allegedly been tortured and tried for serious crimes in the absence of fair trials, including legal counsel. (…) It has also been reported that church officials are required to inform authorities before admitting new members to their congregations; that members of certain congregations have been required to carry membership cards, which are reportedly checked by authorities posted outside congregation centres; and that meetings for evangelical services are restricted to Sundays. It was reported that Christians have been summoned, detained and interrogated, during which they are often urged to return to Islam if it is found that they have converted to Christianity, and threatened with arrest and apostasy charges if they do not comply. (…) Interviewees also reported that Christian churches, especially those of the evangelical and protestant denominations, are forced to operate underground, holding church services in private homes, called house churches, even though it is illegal to operate without permits. A pastor for the Church of Iran, Behrouz Sadegh Khanjani, reported during an interview that his church unsuccessfully attempted to obtain such a permit from the authorities, but asserted that since churches are not political parties or non-governmental organizations, they should not be legally required to obtain a permit under Iranian law. (…) Reports submitted to the Special Rapporteur allege that Gonabadi Dervishes endure attacks on their places of worship, and are frequently subjected to arbitrary arrest, torture and prosecution. The Special Rapporteur also examined reports regarding a series of attacks on the Dervish community, as well as arrests allegedly carried out from 3 to 14 September 2011 in the cities of Tehran, Shiraz and Kavar by volunteer paramilitary Basij forces. The attack reportedly resulted in five injured and some 200 arrested[40]https://www.iranrights.org/attachments/library/doc_175.pdf

Commission on Human Rights, Final Report on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran by the Special Representative of the Commission on Human Rights, Mr. Reynaldo Galindo Pohl, pursuant to Commission resolution 1992/67 of 4 March 1992: “Rev. Mehdi Dibaj, a convert from Islam to Christianity more than 25 years ago, has been imprisoned and reportedly tortured for eight years. It was said that two of his eight years in prison were spent in solitary confinement in an unlighted cell measuring three feet by three feet. He was arrested in 1983 in the city of Babol and was held without cause until the Church paid.” https://www.iranrights.org/attachments/library/doc_194.pdf






Yan Maitri-Shi: On this Youtube video by the International Organisation to Preserve Human Rights in Iran it can be seen a report with diverse violations on the rights of Iranian people. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F2AsJ4vHc9A


Yan Maitri-Shi: On this Report there is a list with 89 people who were detained or imprisoned and their situation remains unclear. See pages 59 to 65 of the Report of the Commission on Human Rights. https://www.iranrights.org/attachments/library/doc_194.pdf


FIDH: “The dimensions of gross human rights violations in Iran are expanding beyond imagination in every possible direction. The list is very long: torture and other cruel and inhuman punishments, arbitrary and often very long pre-trial detentions and extremely non-standard and unfair trials frequently based on vaguely worded charges often even used to issue and implement death sentences, execution of dissidents and juveniles and the use of death penalty for non-serious offences, growing discrimination against women and women’s rights defenders, as well as against all religious minorities and groups, and ethnic communities, suppression of all kinds of dissent and opposition, extremely heavy-handed crackdown on political activists and organisations of all hues and civil society institutions, increasing number of political prisoners and the massive pressures on them, denial of freedoms of assembly, association, expression and press, censorship of books and blocking of various websites and blogs…”[41]


FIDH: “the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) currently ranks second for number of executions, after China, and first for per capita executions in the world. According to the World Coalition against the Death Penalty, Iran executed at least 317 (…) people in 2007, almost twice as many as in 2006 and four times as many as in 2005. In 2008, at least 346 executions were recorded[42]. From January through the end of March 2009, Amnesty International has recorded 120 executions. These numbers are certainly below reality, since there are no publicly available statistics on executions carried out in the country. (…) A wide range of offences are punishable by death in Iran, ranging from a number of sexual offences (e.g. fornication, adultery, sodomy, lesbianism, incest, rape) to drinking, theft, drug trafficking, murder, and certain other offences (e.g. apostasy and cursing the prophet), ‘waging war’ on people/God and ‘corruption on earth’ – offences that may extend from armed robbery to political opposition or espionage. A number of economic offences are also punishable by death. (…) The scope of this report does not extend to other violations of the right to life, in particular extrajudicial killings and deaths in custody. The Islamic Republic has a long history of extrajudicial executions, carried out both at home and abroad. The number of such executions estimated to have taken place within Iran in the few years leading up to autumn of 1998 ranges from 80 to 140. The figure would probably rise to a minimum of 400 if the cases abroad were to be included. Many of those cases have not been and could not be documented. (…) While the number of executions ranged around several hundred in the two years after the Islamic revolution, a sharp increase was registered in 1981 following the bloody suppression of the opposition groups and the clashes between the security forces and those groups, notably the PMOI, in June that year. Amnesty International recorded 2,616 executions during 1981, but the real figures are believed to be considerably higher. The trials, if any, were reportedly summary and the defendants were not given the possibility to appoint lawyers or to present their cases[43]. (…) The figures show a fall in the number of executions in subsequent years until 1988. In summer of 1988, however, at the direct orders of Ayatollah Khomeini, the judicial authorities began organising renewed summary trials for a large number of political prisoners, who had already stood trial and were serving their prison terms; many were then executed. The IRI authorities have never acknowledged the executions of that year and have consistently prevented attempts by families of the victims to mark the anniversary of the executions each year. Over the last few months, measures have been taken to demolish the Khavaran Cemetery, the burial ground of some of those victims, prompting protests from their families and human rights organizations in Iran and abroad. On the other hand, sources from within[44] the IRI have alleged that those executions took place in the aftermath of an offensive launched by the PMOI, under the auspices of the Iraqi regime, in the summer of 1988 following a ceasefire between Iran and Iraq in their 8-year war. However, according to Ervand Abrahamian, professor of history at Baruch College in the USA, the process and preparations for the mass executions began on 19 July 1988, five days before the PMOI launched their offensive[45]. (…) The most common method of execution is hanging. Other specific methods of execution include stoning to death, issued in cases of adultery, beheading and throwing from a cliff, which are occasionally issued for rape or sodomy. Some reported examples of those methods of execution are as follows: In 1987, a judge gave three people a choice between three methods of execution; they chose to jump over a cliff; in 1990, one man was thrown from a precipice; in 1991, one man was thrown from a cliff; in 2001, one man was beheaded[46].”[47]


International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran: “Iran executed at least 346 persons in 2008; at least 388 in 2009; and over 542 in 2010, including 242 officially announced, and over 300 secret executions reportedly taken place at Vakilabad Prison.[48] For example, the Campaign documented credible allegations of group executions in 2010 of 67 inmates on 12 August, 13 inmates on 5 October, and 10 inmates on 12 October inside Vakilabad.[49] Vakilabad officials, in violation of Iranian law, reportedly carried out these executions without the knowledge or presence of the inmates’ lawyers or families and without prior notification of those executed. (…) These executions have also included foreign nationals. On 26 October 2010, Paul Chindo, a citizen of Nigeria, was executed with nine other Iranian men, while on 18 August 2010, a Ghanaian citizen, Aquasi Aquwabe, was put to death in another group execution.[50] Reportedly, these executions were carried out without informing the staffs of embassies, lawyers, or families of the inmates.[51] (…) On 29 January 2011, Zahra Bahrami, a Dutch-Iranian dual national who was arrested during a protest, was executed. She was originally charged with security-related crimes but was hanged under allegations of drug-trafficking. Bahrami’s daughter has vehemently denied these charges and said her mother told her she was forced to make false confessions under coercion.[52] (…) Reported methods of torture include rape, severe beatings, sleep deprivation, threats of harm to family members, pouring ice cold water on prisoners with heart conditions after they have been subjected to intense heat, prolonged periods of solitary confinement, and deprivation of health care, basic necessities and toilet use.[53] (…) On 18 November 2010, Mohammad Nourizad, a filmmaker imprisoned for his critical writings, wrote a letter to the head of the Judiciary, Sadegh Amoli Larijani, that interrogators spat in his eyes, beat him with shoes on his back and chest, shoved his head in a toilet bowl, cursed his wife and family while punching and kicking him, and sexually defamed his family.[54] (…) Ebrahim Sharifi, a student and campaign worker for Mehdi Karroubi, told the Campaign that he was detained in June 2009 by authorities who took him blindfolded to an unknown location where they made him strip alongside other men, whipped his back and subjected him and others to two mock executions. After protesting the mock executions, he was told, If you can’t protect your [expletive] how do you want to bring about a Velvet Revolution? That person then sexually assaulted and raped Sharifi. Afterward he was taken to a medical ward, and then blindfolded and dropped off on the street.[55][56]


Abdollah Momeni, spokesperson for the student group Advar Tahkim Vahdat: [the interrogators]“shoved my head so far down the toilet that I swallowed feces and began to choke…. on several occasions the interrogator in charge of my case strangled me to the point of me losing consciousness and falling to the ground. For days following … I suffered such severe pain in the neck and throat area… eating and drinking became unbearable.[57]


Iran Human Rights: “Annual Report: Death Penalty in Iran 2011 (…) At least 676 people were executed according to IHR’s annual report 2011; 416 of the 676 executions (62%) were announced by the Iranian authorities; 65 executions were carried out in public. This is the highest number of public executions in more than 10 years; At least 4 juvenile offenders were among those executed in Iran in 2011; At least 15 women were executed in 2011. Executions of 13 of these women were not announced by the Iranian authorities; 3 young men were executed convicted of sodomy; One man was executed convicted of “apostasy”; More than 80% of those executed were convicted of drug trafficking; Only 9% of those officially executed for drug charges were fully identified; IHR has received reports of secret or “un-announced” executions in more than 15 different Iranian prisons; More than 70 additional executions reported to IHR, are not included in the annual report due to difficulties in confirming some of the details (…) In 2011 IHR received a large number of reports about executions not reported by the Iranian authorities. Execution reports from more than 15 different prisons throughout Iran have been confirmed. IHR has received reports of more than 70 other executions that haven’t been included in the present reports. These cases are in the process of being confirmed.”[58]


Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2012: “On August 22, the UN secretary general reported an “escalation” in executions in the country during the first half of the year. According to the U.S. based NGO Iran Human Rights Documentation Center (IHRDC), the government executed 523 persons during the year, many after trials that were secret or did not adhere to other basic principles of due process. The government officially announced 298 executions, but did not release further information, such as the dates of executions, the names of those executed, or the crimes for which they were executed. IHRDC estimated more than 70 percent of all executions were carried out on drug-related charges,” http://www.protectingeducation.org/sites/default/files/documents/hr_report_2.pdf

Commission on Human Rights, Final Report on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran by the Special Representative of the Commission on Human Rights, Mr. Reynaldo Galindo Pohl, pursuant to Commission resolution 1992/67 of 4 March 1992: “Attention should be drawn to what has been happening in prison to Mr. Armir Entezam, Deputy Prime Minister and spokesman of the First Provisional Government which replaced the monarchy. Mr. Entezam’s situation remains dramatic, not to say tragic. Apart from the long years he has spent in prison, his solitary confinement, the ill-treatment he has received and his inability to communicate with his family, he is seriously ill. It has been possible to document this case and to receive recent reports describing his suffering and state of despair”



United Nations General Assembly Report, 13 October 1988: “All the persons who appear before the Special Representative alleged having been subjected to ill-treatment and to physical and psychological torture. The most common form of torture was flogging, especially on the soles of the feet, and beating by several guards simultaneously. Various persons were subjected to mock-executions and other forms of psychological torture, including threats of sexual abuse and threats of torturing the detainee’s parents, children or spouses. Prison conditions were invariably described as extremely poor. Cells were narrow, damp, dark and extremely overcrowded. Food was insufficient and of poor quality. Sanitary conditions were very bad, resulting in the spread of skin and other diseases among the detainees and there was insufficient access to doctors and to medicine. Very often political prisoners were kept together with common criminals, including drug addicts. Prisons where conditions were allegedly very bad included Ghezel-Hesar in Karaj, Evin in Teheran, Salehabad, Gohardasht, and Saveh in northern Iran. (…) Some of the persons appearing before the Special Representative described particular forms of torture to which they had allegedly been subjected or they had witnessed. Mrs. Jokar Kobra stated that while she was in prison she saw children aged 8 to 11, mostly girls, being used for forced labour. She witnessed girls being raped by revolutionary guards, and other children, as young as six years old, being tortured. She also witnessed the torture of women immediately after giving birth, and mentioned in particular the name of Maryam Abdelahi. Mohamed Reza ……… and Mohamed Davoodi described a form of torture known as the coffin, consisting of having the prisoner seated, blindfolded, in a coffin-like box which is then repeatedly pushed against a wall. Mohamed Davoodi mentioned the name of two prisoners who had allegedly been subjected to that torture, Maghrebi and Rashidi. Several persons affirmed that in recent years, and in particular since 1987, methods of torture practiced in Iranian jails had become more sophisticated and measures were being taken to eliminate all traces of physical torture. New sort of cables were being used for flogging and tortured prisoners were being separated from the others and kept elsewhere, until they showed no traces of torture. Bahman Jenat Sadhegi affirmed that one of the new methods of torture consisted of introducing brutal common criminals among political prisoners and inciting them to torture and rape other prisoners. He further affirmed that since 1987 a machine was being used that introduced needles into the soles of the feet of prisoners after they had been flogged with cables, in order to eliminate swelling and other marks of torture. Some persons show the Special Representative scars and marks of various parts of their bodies, allegedly resulting form torture in prison.” https://www.iranrights.org/attachments/library/doc_72.pdf


Article 578 of the Islamic Penal Code: “If any of the juridical or non-juridical governmental authorities and employees inflicts corporal harm and torment upon an accused in forcing him to confess, he will, in addition to being subject to qisas (retribution) or payment of blood money as the case may be, be sentenced to a term of six months to three years in prison. If somebody orders in this respect, only the person who has issued the order shall be sentenced to the said imprisonment. Where the accused dies as a result of corporal harm and torment, the perpetrator shall be subject to the penalty for homicide; the person ordering the corporal harm and torment shall be punished for ordering an act of homicide.[59]


United Nations Economic and Social Council, CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS, INCLUDING THE QUESTION OF TORTURE AND DETENTION, June 27, 2003: “Solitary confinement covers the generalized use of “incommunicado” imprisonment. The Working Group, for the first time since its establishment, has been confronted with a strategy of widespread use of solitary confinement for its own sake and not for traditional disciplinary purposes, as the Group noted during its truncated visit to sector 209 of Evin prison. This is not a matter of a few punishment cells, as exist in all prisons, but what is a “prison within a prison”, fitted out for the systematic, large-scale use of absolute solitary confinement, frequently for very long periods.”  https://www.iranrights.org/attachments/library/doc_81.pdf

United Nations General Assembly Report, November 8, 1993: “It was reported that an alleged supporter of the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran, Mr. Hussein Mouloudi, was executed in public in Orumiyeh in October 1992. No information was available about his trial. Mr. Mouloudi had reportedly been imprisoned for two years in different prisons (…) It was reported that the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances of the Commission on Human Rights had transmitted to the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran a total of 500 cases of missing persons. So far only one case has been clarified by information received from non-governmental sources (…) Torture of prisoners was reported to remain common throughout the country, in spite of the prohibition contained in article 38 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. According to former prisoners, the most frequently used methods were beatings with cables and rifle butts on the back and the soles of the feet, suspension for long periods in contorted positions and burning with cigarettes. (…) The specific cases of cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment mentioned below were reported to the Special Representative. On 15 December 1992, an Islamic revolutionary court sentenced an Afghan accused of multiple thefts to have his fingers cut off. The sentence was carried out in a public square using an electric saw. In February 1993, Mr. Mohamedi Khalede, aged 20, was condemned to the amputation of his right hand on charges of stealing in Sanandaj.(…) It was reported that detentions and arrests were made by the State Security Police; the Police Force; the Gendarmerie; the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (Pasdaran); the Revolutionary Committees; the Basijis, irregular paramilitary forces of volunteers who seek to uphold revolutionary ideals; the Islamic Societies; the Political-Ideological Bureau of the Armed Forces; and numerous patrols, such as the patrol to remove street vendors and that to combat improper veiling. It was reported that tens of thousands of Basijis had been ordered to prowl about every factory, office and school to ensure that everyone adhered to the Islamic code. The Basij organization was originally created during the Iran-Iraq war to provide volunteers for the front. After the summer 1992 riots Basij units were revived, rearmed and sent out into the streets to help enforce Islamic law. The Basijis are reportedly under the control of local mosques. It was further said that the Basijis set up checkpoints around the cities and stopped cars to sniff their occupant’s breath for alcohol and check for women wearing make-up or travelling with a man not their close relative or husband. It was reported that the Law of Judicial Support for the Basijis, published in the Official Gazette No. 13946 of 8.10.1371 (December A.D. 1992), provided no redress against arbitrary detention by the Basijis.” https://www.iranrights.org/attachments/library/doc_193.pdf

Commission on Human Rights, Final Report on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran by the Special Representative of the Commission on Human Rights, Mr. Reynaldo Galindo Pohl, pursuant to Commission resolution 1992/67 of 4 March 1992: “On 10 July 1992, the competent Iranian authority decided to refuse the application for legalization of the Freedom Movement (Nehzat-e-Azadi). This decision was notified to the applicants for legal authorization on 9 August 1992. Furthermore, in several cities throughout the country members of this association were telephoned and given a first and last warning that, if they continued to engage in organization and propaganda activities in support of the association, they would be punished with extreme severity. (…) In view of the official decision, the Movement immediately went into recess. It will be recalled that previous reports have highlighted the question of the independent associations and political parties, the difficulties they have encountered in securing legalization, and the official statements that only legal procedures and formalities were involved, and that no obstacles were placed in the way of the legalization of independent organizations provided they accepted the constitutional bases of the Islamic Republic. However, it was well known that authorization of the Movement and other similar associations was being delayed. Now, legal authorization has suddenly been refused and it has been banned. No further grounds are required for stating that freedom of association remains in limbo.” https://www.iranrights.org/attachments/library/doc_194.pdf

FIDH (Fédération Internationale des Ligues des Droits de l’Homme): “The Islamic Republic of Iran continues to apply the death penalty under conditions that blatantly violate international standards. (…) Executions of minors: A child becomes criminally liable under the Islamic Penal Law, at nine years old for girls and at 15 years old for boys (Article 49 of the Islamic Penal Law). Accordingly, a girl of 9 years old may be sentenced to death. Whenever a boy or a girl who has not reached the age of liability commits a crime, the court is entitled to sentence him/her to corporal punishment. (…) Children are being executed every year in Iran: 25 minors have been condemned to death in 2004, and at least two of them were executed, a girl of 16 years old, and a boy who was executed when he reached 18 years old. Two teenage boys, Mahmoud Asgari (16) and Ayaz Marhoni (18), were hanged in Mashhad (East of the country) in July 2005. They were allegedly condemned to death for raping a 13 years old child. (…) Executions in public: executions in Iran are usually carried out by hanging and in public. Public executions constitute a cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment. The UN Commission on Human Rights asks States not to carry out capital punishment in public or in any other degrading manner[60] (…) Crimes for which the death penalty is applied: The laws of the Islamic Republic of Iran notably establish the sentence of death for the following crimes: a) If a married woman commits adultery with a man, the woman must be stoned to death (article 83, para. 2 of the Islamic Penal Law). B) Heresy (meaning giving up the Islamic faith) shall be sentenced to death (article 513). c) Killing a Muslim entails the death penalty (Article 207 of the Islamic Penal Law). D) Drug trafficking (specific law on drug trafficking). e) Armed robbery (art. 185 of the Islamic Penal Law). f) Rape (article 82 para. 4 of the Islamic Penal Law). G) Homosexual acts (art. 110 of the Islamic Penal Law). H) Incest (art. 82, para. 1 of the Islamic Penal Law). I) Fornication with the wife of one’s father (art. 82, para. 2 of the Islamic Penal Law). J) Fornication of a non-Muslim with a Muslim woman (82, para. 3 of the Islamic Penal Law). K) Armed struggle, including with knives (art. 183 of the Islamic Penal Law)” https://www.iranrights.org/attachments/library/doc_14.pdf


United Nations General Assembly, Report of the Secretary-General on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, October 1, 2008: “article 38 of the Constitution prohibits torture, however, the Penal Code does not contain a clear definition of torture as a specific criminal offence. It was reported that the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment was submitted and approved by the sixth Parliament on 15 December 2002, however it was rejected by the Guardian Council, reportedly because of perceived conflicts with Islamic rules and principles (…) on 2 August 2007, the Special Rapporteur expressed concern over the allegations that a detainee in Marivan was held in a cell measuring 1 square metre, was beaten and was barely fed. He was also repeatedly hung by his hands in a room filled with sewage and excrement and forced to keep his head lifted in order to avoid drowning. On 3 April 2007, the Special Rapporteur sent another communication regarding five men who had allegedly confessed under torture to a number of crimes that had taken place in March 2006. Reports claimed that the detainees had been branded with a red-hot iron, subjected to broken bones in their hands and feet and tortured by an electric drill applied to their limbs. In another case raised by the Special Rapporteur on 1 June 2007, an advocate of linguistic and social rights for Iranians of Azerbaijani ethnicity from the Khoy region is alleged to have been tortured, resulting in extensive bruising on his torso and broken ribs. The prisoner’s mother was informed he had been executed and was instructed to collect the body at the prison. Upon arrival, she was informed he had not yet been executed, but she was denied visitation rights. (…) The continuing high incidence of executions remains an ongoing concern, with a sudden surge of executions reported in recent months, which the authorities argue are part of efforts to combat drug trafficking. For instance, on 27 July 2008, there were reportedly 29 executions, 18 for drug-related offences.” https://www.iranrights.org/attachments/library/doc_55.pdf

Human Rights and Democracy for Iran: “REFERENDUM, THE LEGITIMATE RIGHT OF THE PEOPLE (…) What is ironic is the comments of Iran’s high-ranking officials about defending the Iraqi people’s right to determine their regime and their prescribing a referendum for that country. It is ironic to hear them talk about every human being’s right to determine his/her own fate and to have a say in the future of the nation, while they have proved their disloyalty to the idea of democracy and the opinion of the people. (…) if a referendum is prescribed for Iraq, it should definitely be held in Iran, too. Iranian authorities’ prescription of referendum for Iraq seems just like a political caricature with no credibility, since virtually the same issues, with more suitable conditions for referendum, exist in Iran.” https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/192/referendum-the-legitimate-right-of-the-people


Amir Emadi, spokesman for organization of Iranian-American communities western region: “US nuclear agreement with Iran is overshadowing human rights violations.” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qNfAPUnxg2Q


Yan Maitri-Shi: In this video by Al Jazeera it can be seen the censorship that Iranian official journalists or photographers suffer. Moreover, it can be observed the testimony of Ebrahim Mehtari is a political activist and now refugee in Turkey. He suffered torture and sexual abuse in Evin Prison. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f-iiyk8jQYs


Jewish News One: “Since Iranian President Hassan Rouhani took office in August, the relative moderate has been working on a charm offensive on the West by negotiating his country’s nuclear programme in exchange for relieving biting economy sanctions. But a critical report by a special UN rapporteur has been released detailing widespread human rights abuses, including website censorship, restrictions against freedom of expression and discrimination against religious minorities.” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3VIIn8yh9C4


Australian Government highlighting Human Rights abuses in Iran: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ln-IVg3SXGI


Human Rights and Democracy for Iran: “Shirin Ebadi- International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), and the Iranian League for the Defence of Human Rights (LDDHI), July 31, 2012. (…) Following the trials, often lasting only a few minutes, political prisoners receive extremely unfair sentences that are occasionally illegal even under the Iranian highly flawed laws. A well-known example is ‘imprisonment in exile’ in remote Iranian prisons, which does not exist in any Iranian law and effectively punishes both the prisoners and their families.”

Shirin Ebadi, FIDH and LDDHI: We have consistently drawn the attention of the international community to the conditions of political prisoners in Iran, including in the joint FIDH-LDDHI report, Iran: Suppression of freedom, prison, torture, execution… A state policy of repression. We draw the attention of the international community once again to the following prisoners of conscience who have been recently subjected to ill treatment, but wish to emphasise that the list represents only a fraction of ill-treated prisoners and it is far from being conclusive and comprehensive.

Karim Lahidji, vice-president of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and president of the Iranian League for the Defence of Human Rights (LDDHI): Political prisoners and prisoners of conscience are hostages held by the Iranian authorities, who exert as much pressure as possible on them and their families. The authorities consistently violate the provisions of the ‘Body of Principles for the Protection of All Persons under Any Form of Detention or Imprisonment’ adopted by the UN General Assembly in December 1988 and the’ Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners’ adopted by UN Economic and Social Council on 13 May 1977. The authorities refuse to provide proper and regular medical treatment to political prisoners, deny all their other rights and subject them to all kinds of torture, inhuman punishments and other ill treatment. They even punish the families of political prisoners.https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/2177/iranian-authorities-hold-political-prisoners-hostage


Iran Human Rights: “Annual Report on the Death Penalty in Iran 2015. (…) ANNUAL 2015 REPORT AT A GLANCE• 969 people were executed in 2015 (29% increase compared to 2014) • 373 cases (39%) were announced by official sources • 95% of executions in ethnic regions were not announced by official sources • 638 (66%) were executed for drug-related charges • 57 executions were conducted in public spaces • At least 3 juvenile offenders were among those executed • At least 19 women were executed • 207 were executed for murder • 262 were forgiven by the families of the murder victims (…) In violation of its international obligations, Iran continued the execution of juvenile offenders in 2015, and public executions went on at a similar rate as before. Iranian authorities also implemented other barbaric punishments such as amputations, sometimes in public, and gouging out of eyes. In March 2015, at the same time as the negotiations between the Iranian Foreign minister and Foreign ministers of the USA and European countries were taking place, Iranian media reported for the first time about the punishment of blinding for a man in the Rajai Shahr prison of Karaj. (…) Since the first annual report by IHR in 2008 the number of executions increased by about 300%. With 969 executions 2015 was the year with the highest number of executions since 1990. (Numbers prior to 2008 are reported by Amnesty International). (…) The number of capital crimes in Iran is among the highest in the world. Charges such as “adultery, incest, rape, sodomy, insulting the Prophet Mohammad and other great Prophets, possessing or selling illicit drugs, theft for the fourth time, premeditated murder, moharebeh (waging war against God), ifsad-fil-arz (corruption on earth), fraud and human trafficking” are capital offences (…) More than 2690 people were executed in the six years from 2010 to 2015. With more than 638 executions, 2015 was the deadliest year since 1990 with regards to drug-related executions. (…) About 60% of all executions included in this report were not announced by the authorities. IHR has received reports on several hundred executions that were not announced by official Iranian sources. Some of these executions were carried out secretly, without the family or the lawyer being informed, and some were simply not announced by the official media. Only unofficial reports with a sufficient amount of information are included in this report. The actual numbers are believed to be much higher. In 2015, IHR received reports of secret or unannounced executions from 16 different prisons across the country. In the ethnic regions of Baluchistan, Azerbaijans (East and West-) and Kurdistan, more than 97% of the executions were either carried out secretly or were not announced by the official media.http://www.iranhr.net/en/ and  http://iranhr.net/media/files/Rapport_iran_2014-GB-120314-BD.pdf

Human Rights and Democracy for Iran: “Human Rights Lawyer Mohammad Ali Dadkhah Summonsed to Serve a nine-year Prison Term (…) On April 28, 2012, Mr. Mohammad Ali Dadkhah, a human rights lawyer and founding member of the DHRC, was informed by Judge Salavati of Branch 15 of the Islamic Revolution Court, as the former was attempting to represent a political prisoner, that his nine-year imprisonment sentence and his 10-year ban on practising law and teaching had been upheld on appeal. In the past, he has defended many political and student activists and unionists as well as the Christian Pastor Mr. Yousef Nadarkhani, who has been sentenced to death on charge of apostasy. (…) According to the e-daily Roozonline, Mr. Dadkhah declared on May 1, 2012 that he has to report himself to prison on May 5 to serve his nine-year sentence.”

Mr. Dadkhah: “They have banned me from practising law for 10 years and also from teaching even in private institutes after my prison term. My sentence includes a cash fine of 25 million rials and lashing, which has also been substituted with a cash finehttps://www.iranrights.org/library/document/2117/human-rights-lawyer-mohammad-ali-dadkhah-summonsed-to-serve-a-nine-year-prison-term


Human Rights and Democracy for Iran: “Iran: Resolution on human rights violations. FODH August 2, 2013. (…) Islamic Republic of Iran ranks first per capita execution worldwide and second to China in regard to absolute number of executions. In the past three years, at least 553 (2010), 634 (2011) and more than 544 (2012) executions have been recorded. Minors are executed for crimes allegedly committed when they were below 18 years of age. Executions in public and secret executions are common; Death sentence is imposed for more than 20 categories of offences, including for non-serious offences, such as drugs-related and economic offences; as well as ambiguously worded offences such as moharebeh (waging war on God) and corruption on earth, mostly for political prisoners; Strangulation is the most frequently used inhuman method of execution; stoning is another cruel method stipulated in law and practised; several persons are facing the sentence of death by stoning; Thousands of prisoners are on death row. (…) Defendants, notably in political cases, are arrested without arrest warrant, are held for long periods in solitary confinement and denied access to family and lawyer and to fair trial; Death-row drugs-related offenders do not have the right of appeal. (…) Hundreds of journalists have been forced to flee the country and around 52 journalists, writers and bloggers are in prison at present; Newspapers are frequently closed; Peaceful assemblies have been attacked and their participants have been detained; literary gatherings have been banned; Various organisations, including the Journalists Association, Writers Association as well as dissenting peaceful political parties have been banned and their activists are serving long-term prison terms; Independent unions of workers and teachers have been attacked and their activists are in prison serving long-term sentences; Film makers have been sentenced to imprisonment for their work; And the book publishing industry is under very strict and harsh control and subjected to heavy censorship that is driving many publishers into bankruptcy. (…) Considering that human rights defenders, including human rights lawyers, women’s rights activists, unionists attempting to organise independent labour unions, student activists, journalists and writers, minority rights defenders have faced severe persecution, been victims of harsh repression and sentenced to long term imprisonment sentences. Among them: (…) Four members of the FIDH league member, Defenders of Human Rights Centre, Messrs Mohammad Seifzadeh, Abdolfattah Soltani, Mohammad Ali Dadkhah, and Ms. Nasrin Sotoudeh (co-recipient of European Parliament’s Sakharov prize for freedom of thought in 2012) are currently serving imprisonment sentences of 8, 13, 9 and 6 years, respectively, while the last three have been banned from practising law for 10 years; Mr. Mohammad Sadiq Kaboudvand, president of Kurdistan Human Rights Organisation, has been serving an 11-year prison sentence since 2007.” https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/2416/iran-resolution-on-human-rights-violations


United Nations Radio: “Speaking at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, UNICEF’s Nicolette Moodie called on the Iranian authorities to further review the penal code.”

Nicolette Moodie: “UNICEF urges the Islamic Republic of Iran to review the current very low minimal age of criminal responsibility which is nine years for girls and 15 years for boys. UNICEF also urges the Islamic Republic of Iran to offer a special review of the cases of those children who have been sentenced to capital punishment prior to the ratification of the new Islamic penal code and to allow these children the opportunity to avail themselves of the new provisions under this code.”  http://www.unmultimedia.org/radio/english/2014/03/iran-urged-to-increase-age-of-criminal-responsibility-for-children/ 


Human Rights and Democracy for Iran:  “Mass Executions in the Coming Weeks- an Appeal to the UN and the Leaders Attending the Non-Aligned Summit in Tehran. Iran Human Rights (IHR) warns against the possibility of a new execution wave in Iran in the coming weeks. Several reports from Iran indicate that the Iranian authorities are planning to execute multiple prisoners, among them some political prisoners and some convicted of espionage. (…) There are other prisoners who are in imminent danger of execution and require urgent attention. (…) Gholamreza Khosravi, 50, was arrested in 2008 in Rafsanjan, Kerman (southeastern Iran). His initial charge was affiliated with his alleged support of Simay Azadi, a television station linked to the Mujahedin-e Khalgh (MEK or PMOI). (…) The death sentence was confirmed by the Supreme Court on April 21. According to sources in Iran, the execution is scheduled to take place on September 10. (…) Abdolreza Ghanbari, 44, a teacher, was arrested in the aftermath of the December 2009 Ashura protests. He was sentenced to death based on the charge of Moharebeh for his alleged ties with the MEK. His request for pardon was rejected by the Supreme Court. He may be executed at any time. (…) Ahmad Daneshpour Moghaddam, 42, and Mohsen Daneshpour Moghaddam, 69, son and father, were also arrested in connection with the Ashura protests. They were charged with Moharebeh, for their alleged ties with the MEK, and sentenced to death. They may be executed at any time. (…) There are continued concerns about the imminent execution of Saeed Malekpour, 37, a web programmer whose main charges include Moharebeh and Insulting and desecrating Islam. His death sentence was confirmed by the Supreme Court in January 2012. He may be executed at any time. (…) There are also more than 20 Kurdish political prisoners on death row in Iran that may be in danger of imminent execution.

Mahmood Amiry-Moghaddam, the spokesperson for IHR: “There are several reports indicating that Iranian authorities have scheduled executions for the coming weeks. We are deeply concerned about these possible executions and urge the international community to react before it is too late.” https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/2189/mass-executions-in-the-coming-weeks-an-appeal-to-the-un-and-the-leaders-attending-the-non-aligned-summit-in-tehran


Human Rights and Democracy for Iran: “Coerced Confessions in the Islamic Republic of Iran, Washington DC, August 15, 2007. Iran is witnessing a wave of publicly announced executions, unprecedented in more than a decade, and a serious crackdown on the government’s critics and proponents of legal reforms within civil society. With this new surge of state violence, the Islamic Republic’s decades-long practice of using coerced confessions to establish detainees’ guilt is a great cause for concern and should be subject to serious international scrutiny. Since January 2007, at least 247 individuals/ /have been executed and scores more have been sentenced to death. In the absence of an independent national mechanism to defend the detainees’ rights, Iranians can only rely upon the international community’s outcry regarding the judicial process leading to these executions. (…) The Abdorrahman Boroumand Foundation for the Promotion of Human Rights and Democracy in Iran (ABF) (…) has collected testimonies, documents, interviews, and human rights reports attesting to the fact that the security and judicial authorities practice widespread and consistent use of torture to extract videotaped or signed confessions. In the case of high profile detainees, these confessions have been broadcast on television. Confessions extracted to validate charges of espionage for foreign countries or vaguely-worded charges accusing detainees of activities against the Islamic Republic are often pretexts to silence critics of the government. (…) From the inception of the Islamic Republic, judges have convicted and sentenced to death detainees charged with political, religious, sexual or other offenses, solely based on such forced confessions. Scores of prisoners have been executed for refusing to confess or recant their beliefs in a televised confession. Over the years, former prisoners, victims’ relatives, and human rights organizations have repeatedly reported the torture of detainees in Iran and the use of coerced confessions against defendants by Iranian judicial authorities. (…) Razieh Fuladi (1980), one of the many victims of the government’s morality campaign, was executed after being flogged and forced to confess to adultery. Mohseni Kabiri (1981), incarcerated along with thousands of other leftist political prisoners, confessed to being an apostate before being executed. Abbas Ra’isi (1988), another Marxist political prisoner, was executed for not agreeing to recant his beliefs in a televised confession. Feyzollah Mekhoubad (1994), an active member of the Iranian Jewish community, was executed in spite of his reported attempt to retract the confession he had made under torture. Helmut Szimkus, a German citizen who was held for more than 5 years (1989-1994) in the Evin prison on charges of spying, reported having been gravely tortured and having witnessed many other cases of torture aimed at extracting confessions during his detention. In response to the UN inquiries regarding Mr. Szimkus’s allegations, the Iranian government referred to the latter’s confession as proof of his guilt (UN 1995 Report on the Situation of Human Rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran). (…) These stories – a handful among thousands – as well as the reports on the treatment of Haleh Esfandiari and Kian Tajbakhsh bring to light the systematic denial of detainees’ right to due process of law. This denial is facilitated by laws and procedures that govern detention and interrogation in the Islamic Republic and calls into question the judiciary’s process of establishing detainees’ guilt.” https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/300/coerced-confessions-in-the-islamic-republic-of-iran


Human Rights and Democracy for Iran: “Iran: EU Presidency Declaration on the repeated violation of human rights in Iran. The European Union reiterates that such violations are unacceptable. It is particularly disturbed by: – the simultaneous execution of ten Iranians at Evin prison on 26 November 2008; – the judicial pressure which the Iranian authorities exert on women’s rights activists. Among the signatories of the One Million Signatures campaign who are victims of this harassment, Esha Momeni, an Iranian-American, has been arrested and had her passport confiscated; – the situation of Hussein Derakhshan, an Iranian blogger arrested by the authorities without charge on 1 November 2008. His family has had no news of him for several weeks and has still not been told where he is being held; – the recent refusal of the Iranian authorities to allow Mansour Ossanlou, an Iranian trade unionist sentenced to five years in prison for acts against State security and antiregime propaganda, access to the medical care which he needs. (…) These practices are blatant violations of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, freely adopted and ratified by Iran, and contravene the Declaration on the Right and Responsibility of Individuals, Groups and Organs of Society to Promote and Protect Universally Recognized Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, adopted by all members of the United Nations in 1998. (…) Resolutely committed to universal abolition of the death penalty, the European Union exhorts the Iranian authorities to put an end to death sentences and executions, to commute the sentences of all those condemned to death and to introduce a moratorium with the aim of abolishing the death penalty, in accordance with the Resolution adopted by the UN General Assembly on 21 November 2008.” https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/524/iran-eu-presidency-declaration-on-the-repeated-violation-of-human-rights-in-iran


Human Rights and Democracy for Iran: “Violations of Civil Rights in Security and Intelligence Prisons and Detention Centers in Tehran. After months of inspecting detention centers, the Civil rights Inspectorate found notable cases of civil rights violations, including: the use of blindfolds; physical punishment of detainees; holding detainees without charge or sentences; prolonged investigations; subjecting a 13-year-old to most inhumane detention facilities for stealing a chicken; retaining a 73-year-old woman in custody for financial debt; imprisoning a women instead of her fugitive husband was accused of drug trafficking; and imprisoning 1400 individuals without charge or trial in one of the prisons.” https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/287/violations-of-civil-rights-in-security-and-intelligence-prisons-and-detention-centers-in-tehran


Human Rights and Democracy for Iran: “United Nations’ General Assembly’s Resolution on The Situation of Human Rights in Iran, 6/3/1998. [UN General Assembly] Expresses its concern: (a) At the continuing violations of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, in particular the large and increasing number of executions in the apparent absence of respect for internationally recognized safeguards, cases of torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, including stoning, amputation and public executions, the failure to meet international standards in the administration of justice and the absence of due process of law; (b) At the grave breaches of the human rights of the Baha’is, the discrimination against members of other religious minorities, including Christians, and the death sentences pronounced against Dhabihullah Mahrami, Musa Talibi and Ramadan-Ali Dhulfaqari, on the charge of apostasy, and against Bihnam Mithaqi and Kayvan Khalajabadi because of their beliefs; (c) At the lack of continuity in the cooperation of the Government with the mechanisms of the Commission on Human Rights; (…) (e) At violations of the right to peaceful assembly and restrictions on the freedoms of expression, thought, opinion and the press, as well as at the harassment and intimidation of writers and journalists seeking to exercise their freedom of expression, the sentencing of the writer Faraj Sarkuhi being only the most recent example of such unacceptable practices;”  https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/76/united-nations-general-assemblys-resolution-on-the-situation-of-human-rights-in-iran-6-3-1998

Human Rights and Democracy for Iran: [UN General Assembly] “Expresses its concern: (a)      At the continuing violations of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran;  (b)      At the fact that, since 1996, no invitation has been extended by the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the Special Representative to visit the country;  (c)      At the continued deterioration of the situation with regard to freedom of opinion and expression, especially attacks against the freedom of the press, the imprisonment of journalists and members of Parliament, the harsh sentences imposed on those who participated in the Berlin conference or its preparation,[61] and the harsh reactions to student demonstrations, including the imprisonment and mistreatment of those who participated; (d)      At the growing number of executions in the absence of respect for internationally recognized safeguards, and in particular deplores public and especially cruel executions, such as stoning; (e)   At the still unsatisfactory compliance with international standards in the administration of justice, the absence of due process of law and the use of national security laws to deny the rights of the individual;  (f)       At the use of torture and other forms of cruel, inhuman and degrading punishment, in particular the practice of amputation and the growing number of cases of public flogging; g) practice, and at the recent rejection of legislation to raise the age of marriage for women;  (h)      At the continuing discrimination against persons belonging to minorities, in particular against Baha’is, Christians, Jews and Sunnis; (i)       At the ongoing lack of clarity concerning all the circumstances surrounding the suspicious deaths and killings of intellectuals and political activists in late 1998 and early 1999;” https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/416/un-general-assembly-resolution-on-the-situation-of-human-rights-in-iran-19-december-2001

Human Rights & Democracy for Iran: “A number of murders of intellectuals and political dissidents have remained unsolved. Illegal detentions, disappearances in the justice system, and broad use of torture by law enforcement agencies have increased dramatically, while impunity has remained widespread. The Secretary of the Islamic Human Rights Commission in Iran has confirmed the existence of illegal detention centres in the country. Extrajudicial groups and semi-official vigilante forces, such as the Basiji and Ansar-i Hezbollah, have continued to engage in violent attacks against students, journalists and individuals suspected of “anti-revolutionary” activities. International standards of fair trial continued to be disregarded by the judiciary. Some 130 executions occurred between January and July 2000 alone, including the execution of a woman in the presence of her two children. The Supreme Court upheld more than 310 execution sentences during the year 2001. Despite widescale public protest, public executions and floggings have substantially increased since the re-election of the President Khatami. (…) The judiciary in Iran is not free from government influence. Religious minorities, women and men are not treated equally before the courts. Although the Constitution endorses certain rights of fair trial, these are not respected in practice. In his report to the 2000 session of the UN Commission on Human Rights, the Special Rapporteur identified the following difficulties: ill-treatment in pre-trial detention; forced confessions; overcrowding in the prison system; the continuing existence of detention centres outside the official prison system; the denial of fair trial; denial of the right of the defense to call witnesses; issuance of judgment without provision of adequate time for the submission of the defense; making statements about cases which do not fall within the jurisdiction of the court; jailing defense lawyers for such actions as protesting the judge’s refusal to allow them to call witnesses.” https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/86/iran-attacks-on-justice-2002


Human Rights & Democracy for Iran: “The Islamic Republic of Iran’s criminal justice system regularly falls short of the standards for due process necessary for impartiality, fairness, and efficacy. Suspects are often held incommunicado and not told of the reason for their detainment. Defendants are frequently prohibited from examining the evidence used against them. Defendants are sometimes prohibited from having their lawyers present in court. Additionally, confessions, made under duress or torture, are commonly admitted as proof of guilt. Because Iran’s courts regularly disregard principles essential to the proper administration of justice, findings of guilt may not be evaluated with certainty. (…) The Islamic Republic’s criminal code recognizes corporal punishment for a wide range of offenses: consumption of alcohol, theft, adultery, flouting of public morals, and mixing of the sexes in public. Judges have the latitude to mete out corporal punishment for those sentenced to death. In such cases, the flogging is carried out before death to maximize the suffering of defendant. Aside from flogging, the Islamic Republic also employs amputations as a punishment for theft. In such cases, the defendant is taken to a hospital and put under anesthesia as his hand or foot is amputated. In some cases the left foot and right hand are cut off, making it difficult for the condemned to walk, even with the assistance of a cane or crutches.” https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/2814


Iran’s Human Rights Report 2014 by the US Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor: “The law limits freedom of speech, including by members of the press. Individuals were not permitted to criticize publicly the country’s system of government, supreme leader, or official religion. Security forces and the country’s judiciary punished those who violated these restrictions and often punished as well persons who publicly criticized the president, the cabinet, and the Islamic Consultative Assembly. The government monitored meetings, movements, and communications of opposition members, reformists, activists, and human rights defenders. It often charged persons with crimes against national security and insulting the regime based on letters, e-mails, and other public and private communications. According to the August 1 Amnesty International report, during the year anyone deemed critical of authorities, particularly journalists, were at increased risk of arrest and prosecution, creating and intense climate of fear. (…) The government continued to use security law, media law, and other legislation to arrest and prosecute Kurds for exercising their rights to freedom of expression and association (…) International human rights observers, including the IHRDC, stated that the country’s estimated two million Ahwazi Arabs faced continued oppression and discrimination. In January authorities executed two Ahwazi Arab cultural rights activists in secret without prior notice to their families. The UN special rapporteur’s October 2013 report had warned that five Ahwazi Arab cultural-rights activists faced imminent execution on charges of “gathering and colluding against state security,” “propaganda against the system,” “enmity against God,” and “corruption on earth” for participating in protests in 2011-12.” http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/236810.pdf

Iran’s Human Rights Report 2013 by the US Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor: “There were reports of politically motivated abductions (…) Plainclothes officials often seized journalists and activists without warning (…) On October 23, the UN special rapporteur cited allegations that members of religious minority communities, including Baha’is and Sufis, faced torture while in detention. (…) Common methods of torture and abuse in prisons included prolonged solitary confinement, rape, sexual humiliation, threats of execution, sleep deprivation, and severe and repeated beatings. There were reports of severe overcrowding in many prisons and repeated denials of medical care for prisoners. (…) The government did not permit monitoring of prison conditions by independent observers, including UN bodies or special rapporteurs (…) Although the constitution prohibits arbitrary arrest anddetention, these occurred frequently during the year. (…) Authorities commonly used arbitrary arrests to impede alleged antiregime activities. Plainclothes officers often arrived unannounced at homes or offices, arrestedpersons, conductedraids, and confiscatedprivate documents, passports, computers, electronic media, and other personal items without warrants or other assurances of due process. Individuals often remained in detention facilities for long periods without charges or trials and were sometimes prevented from informing others of their whereabouts for several days. Authorities often denied detainees access to legal counsel during this period and imposed travel bans on individuals if they were released pending trial. (…) Numerous human rights groups continued to question the legitimacy and secrecy of the Special Clerical Court, which is headed by a Shia Islamic legal scholar and overseen by the supreme leader. The constitution does not provide for the court, which operates outside the judiciary’s purview. The courtis charged with investigating alleged offenses committed by clerics and issuing rulings based on independent interpretation of Islamic legal sources. Critics alleged that clerical courts were used to control non-Shia clerics as well as to prosecute Shia clerics who expressed controversial ideas and participated in activities outside the sphere of religion, such as journalism or reformist political activities. (…) The constitution allows the government to confiscate property acquired illicitly or in a manner not in conformity with Islamic law. The government appeared to target religious minorities in invoking this provision. There were several reports during the year of authorities seizing the property of members of the Sunni, Baha’i, and Sufi minority communities (…) The government significantly restricted academic freedom and the independence of  higher education institutions. Authorities systematically targeted university campuses to suppress social and political activism by banning independent student organizations, imprisoning student activists, removing faculty, preventing students from enrolling or continuing their education based on political or religious affiliation or activism, and restricting social sciences and humanities curricula. (…) The constitution provides for the formation of political parties, but the Interior Ministry granted licenses only to parties with ideological and practical adherence to the system of government embodied in the constitution. (…) Members of political parties and persons with any political affiliation that the regime deemed unacceptable faced harassment, violence, and sometimes imprisonment (…) The estimated eight million Sunni ethnic Kurds frequently campaigned for greater regional autonomy. The government continued to use security law, media law, and other legislation to arrest and prosecute Kurds for exercising their rights to freedom of expression and association.” http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/220564.pdf

Amnesty International Report: “The authorities severely curtailed the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly, arresting and imprisoning journalists, human rights defenders, trade unionists and others who voiced dissent, on vague and overly broad charges. Torture and other ill-treatment of detainees remained common and was committed with impunity; prison conditions were harsh. Unfair trials continued, in some cases resulting in death sentences. Women and members of ethnic and religious minorities faced pervasive discrimination in law and in practice. The authorities carried out cruel punishments, including blinding, amputation and floggings. Courts imposed death sentences for a range of crimes; many prisoners, including at least four juvenile offenders, were executed. (…) The authorities continued to severely restrict freedoms of expression, association and assembly. They blocked Facebook, Twitter and other social media websites, closed or suspended media outlets including the Zanan monthly women’s magazine, jammed foreign satellite television stations, arrested and imprisoned journalists and online and other critics, and suppressed peaceful protests. (…) The authorities continued efforts to create a national internet that could be used to further impede access to information via the internet, and arrested and prosecuted those who used social media to express dissent. (…) In June, a spokesperson for the judiciary said that the authorities had arrested five people for anti-revolutionary activities using social media, and five others for acts against decency in cyber-space. (…) Scores of prisoners of conscience continued to be detained or were serving prison sentences for peacefully exercising their human rights. They included journalists, artists, writers, lawyers, trade unionists, students, women’s and minority rights activists, human rights defenders and others. (…) Detainees and prisoners continued to report acts of torture and other ill-treatment, particularly during primary investigations mainly to force “confessions” or gather other incriminatory evidence. (…) Detainees and sentenced prisoners were denied adequate medical care; in some cases the authorities withheld prescribed medications to punish prisoners, or failed to comply with medical doctors’ recommendations that prisoners should be hospitalized for treatment. (…) Prisoners were kept in severely overcrowded and insanitary conditions with inadequate food and exposed to extreme temperatures. This included prisoners in Dizel Abad Prison in Kermanshah, Adel Abad Prison in Shiraz, Gharchak Prison in Varamin, and Vakilabad Prison in Mashhad. According to some former detainees, in Tabriz Central Prison, some 700 to 800 prisoners were held in three poorly ventilated, insanitary cells with access to only 10 toilets. (…) Courts continued to impose, and the authorities continued to carry out, punishments that violate the prohibition of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment. These were sometimes carried out in public and included flogging, blinding and amputations. On 3 March the authorities in Karaj deliberately blinded a man in his left eye after a court sentenced him to “retribution-in-kind” (qesas) for throwing acid into the face of another man. He also faced blinding of his right eye. The authorities postponed punishment of another prisoner scheduled for 3 March; he was sentenced to blinding and being made deaf (…) a Deputy Prosecutor General in Shiraz announced that 500 people had been arrested and 480 of them had been tried and convicted within 24 hours for publicly breaking their fast during Ramadan. Most received flogging sentences administered by the Office for Implementation of Sentences. Some floggings were reportedly carried out in public. (…) Members of religious minorities, including Baha’is, Sufis, Yaresan (Ahl-e Haq), Christian converts from Islam, Sunni Muslims, and Shi’a Muslims who became Sunni, faced discrimination in employment and restrictions on their access to education and freedom to practise their faith. (…) The authorities continued to destroy sacred sites of Baha’is, Sunnis and Sufis including their cemeteries and places of worship (…) a Revolutionary Court in Tehran convicted Mohammad Ali Taheri of “spreading corruption on earth” for establishing a spiritual doctrine and group called Erfan-e Halgheh, and sentenced him to death. He had previously received a five-year prison term and been sentenced to 74 lashes and a fine in 2011 for allegedly “insulting Islamic sanctities”. (…) Prison sentences were also issued against several of his followers. (…) Iran’s disadvantaged ethnic groups, including Ahwazi Arabs, Azerbaijani Turks, Baluchis, Kurds and Turkmen, continued to report that the state authorities systematically discriminated against them, particularly in employment, housing, access to political office, and the exercise of cultural, civil and political rights. They remained unable to use their own language as a medium of instruction for primary education. Those who called for greater cultural and linguistic rights faced arrest, imprisonment, and in some cases the death penalty. (…) riot police were reported to have used excessive or unnecessary force to disperse demonstrators in Mahabad, a city in West Azerbaijan province largely populated by members of the Kurdish minority, who were protesting after a Kurdish woman fell to her death in unclear circumstances. (…) Women remained subject to discrimination under the law, particularly criminal and family law, and in practice. (…) Women and girls remained inadequately protected against sexual and other violence, including early and forced marriage. The authorities failed to adopt laws criminalizing these and other abuses, such as marital rape and domestic violence. Compulsory “veiling” (hijab) laws also continued to empower police and paramilitary forces to target women for harassment, violence and imprisonment. (…) The authorities continued to use the death penalty extensively, and carried out numerous executions, including of juvenile offenders. Some executions were conducted in public. (…) Many detainees accused of capital offences were denied access to legal counsel during the investigative phase when they were held in detention. The new Code of Criminal Procedures repealed Article 32 of the 2011 Anti-Narcotics Law, which had denied prisoners sentenced to death on drugs charges a right of appeal. (…) Amnesty International was able to confirm the execution of at least three juvenile offenders: Javad Saberi, hanged on 15 April, Samad Zahabi, hanged on 5 October, and Fatemeh Salbehi, hanged on 13 October. Human rights groups reported that another juvenile offender, Vazir Amroddin, an Afghan national, was hanged in June or July.” https://www.amnesty.org/en/countries/middle-east-and-north-africa/iran/report-iran/


Council on Foreign Relations by Jayshree Bajoria, and Robert McMahon, Managing Editor: “A March 2013 report by a UN Special Rapporteur cites “widespread and systemic” torture, harassment, arrest, and attacks against human rights defenders, lawyers, and journalists. (…) experts say prospects for reform are bleak, and urge the international community to keep the spotlight on Iran’s human rights violations. (…) Iranian lawyer and human rights activist Mehrangiz Kar says several articles of the constitution guaranteeing specific liberties suffer from ambiguity and are often restricted by various conditions and provisions. For instance, Article 24 on press freedom states: publications and the press are free to express their ideas unless these contravene the precepts of Islam or harm public rights. These conditions will be defined by laws. (…) Since the precepts of Islam and public rights are not clearly defined by legislated laws, Kar writes, the authorities are free to interpret the “article in support of their own political and factional interests.” (…) The judiciary (…) also implements the Islamic penal code, including stoning, amputations and flogging, all considered torture under international law. Plus, Iran has separate Islamic revolutionary courts whose legal standing has been repeatedly questioned by rights groups. (…) A 2013 report by the UN Special Rapporteur (PDF) notes an increase in executions, both official and secret. It says 297 executions were officially announced by the government and about 200 secret executions were confirmed by family members, prison officials and members of the judiciary in 2012. (…) There are widespread abuses against members of recognized and unrecognized religious and ethnic minorities such as Arabs, Azeris, Baloch, Kurds, Namatullahi Sufi Muslims, Sunnis, Baha’is, and Christians. Iran’s largest non-Muslim religious minority, the Baha’i, has historically been discriminated against and continues to be denied jobs and educational opportunities, and face arbitrary detention and unfair trials. There are rising reports of such abuses committed against other religious minorities, reported the U.S. State Department in May 2013 as part of its annual report on international religious freedoms.”

Kouhyar Goudarzi, an Iranian human rights activist who fled the country in 2013 after his own repeated detentions for speaking out on abuses: “civil society is in a state of desperation and that the establishment has managed to instill fear and silence dissent.”

Human Rights Watch: “Iran is one of only seven countries with laws allowing executions for consensual same-sex conduct,”

Akbar Ganji, dissident: “It is a nasty squabble without any heroes and regardless of who wins, the real loser will be democracy in Iran” http://www.cfr.org/iran/human-rights-iran/p26380


Ray Takeyh, Senior Fellow for Middle Eastern Studies: “Iran is also one of the world’s worst human rights violators. (…) Iran’s human rights violations include restrictions on freedom of assembly, abysmal prison conditions, unfair legal codes, religious discrimination, and limits on women’s rights. (…) The Islamic Republic arbitrarily bars candidates from participating in both parliamentary and presidential elections. In the recent presidential race, the Guardian Council screened 680 candidates, barring all but eight. The government continues to arrest civil rights activists, journalists, members of labor unions and student organizations, and lawyers defending dissidents. Iran ranks second only to China in number of executions and it leads the world in the execution of minors. Gender discrimination continues to deny women educational and professional opportunities while public events such as sports matches remain segregated. (…) The Islamic Republic also denies freedom of worship to important religious minorities, particularly the Baha’is, who are the largest non-Muslim population in Iran. Iranians of Baha’i faith are discriminated against in the job market, often have their businesses shuttered, and are prevented from joining critical professions such as the armed forces. Beyond religious persecution, Iran censors information by closing down newspapers, jamming satellite transmissions, and blocking Internet traffic. Iranian authorities recently announced their determination to launch their own Internet service that would protect citizens from subversive messages.” http://www.cfr.org/iran/promote-human-rights-iran/p32371


Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2014, United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor: “The constitution allows the government to confiscate property acquired illicitly or in a manner not in conformity with Islamic law. The government appeared to target religious minorities in invoking this provision. There were several reports during the year of authorities evicting and seizing the property of members of the Bahai community without due process. (…) The constitution states that “reputation, life, property, [and] dwelling[s]” are protected from trespass, except as “provided by law,” but the government routinely infringed on this right. Security forces monitored the social activities of citizens, entered homes and offices, monitored telephone conversations and internet communications, and opened mail without court authorization. There were widespread reports that government agents entered, searched, and ransacked the homes and offices of reformist or opposition leaders, activists, political prisoners, journalists, and their families to intimidate them.” http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/236810.pdf

International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran: “The government of Iran blocks access to millions of websites from within the country. Under the supervision of the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution, representatives of Islamic Republic of Iran

Broadcasting (IRIB), the Ministry of Intelligence, and the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology systematically limit Iranian users’ access to websites and other Internet services based on a law passed by the Iranian Parliament which says that websites can be filtered if they contain criminal content. Such content is determined by an eleven-member committee (six members of which are from the President’s cabinet) formed by the Iranian Judiciary which meets under the General Prosecutor. (…) However, the committee actually filters websites that are political in nature or critical of the government. For example, during the 2009 and 2013 presidential elections, the Iranian government severely limited Iranians’ access to news and information websites, as well as their access to social media websites such as Facebook and Twitter. While the Iranian authorities do not publish official statistics on filtered websites, various officials have made reference to millions of websites being filtered. (…) The government’s latest efforts have revolved around creating a “national Internet” (intranet), which will only provide access to content approved by the Iranian government and will include built-in surveillance of all online activity, including email and other personal correspondence. (…) The Ministry of Communications and Information Technology currently limits the speed of Internet access from the homes of private citizens. According to a directive sent to all Internet Service Providers (ISPs) in Iran in 2006, they are not to provide access speeds in excess of 128 Kbps to home users. The directive continues to this day, with home users often experiencing speeds as low as 6 Kbps. At this reduced speed, accessing online information or sharing files becomes difficult if not impossible. (…) The mean download speed for all Internet users in Iran, including residential and business, was 2.17 Mbps in the first six months of 2013, placing Iran 172nd out of 184 countries measured by Net Index. As many Iranians rely on the Internet for information and education, access to news outside of the heavily state-censored media, and communication, the government’s Internet speed directives result in severe restrictions of access to information. In September 2012, Iran’s then-Minister of Communications Reza Taghipour acknowledged the state’s role in limiting Internet speeds and bandwidth, claiming that this was done for security reasons. (…) There have been many reports of denial of service attacks (flooding a site with so much traffic that it is unable to maintain online access) against websites critical of the Iranian government, and significant evidence that the Iranian government is behind these attacks. There have been no investigations into the attacks. (…) In May 2010, a Revolutionary Guards’ commander, Ebrahim Jabbari, confirmed that the IRGC had created a Cyber Army. Over the past several years, the Cyber Army has mounted denial of service attacks against many websites, especially those of political dissidents or people critical of the government, and has been actively hacking the emails, Facebook pages, and Twitter accounts of students and activists in order to access their private information, all without warrants or just cause[62] (…) Communications surveillance in Iran is extensive and particularly focused on the monitoring and harassment of private Iranian citizens who criticize the government. The Iranian government regularly taps cell phones and landlines to monitor citizens without legal permission or court review. Activists report that their families’ telephone lines are constantly tapped in addition to their own; several of them have been directly informed of the phone tapping by representatives from the Ministries of Communications and Intelligence.[63] (…) Furthermore, the Ministry of Communications has been collaborating with the Ministry of Intelligence to use tracking technology to monitor the whereabouts of activists and political dissidents, assisting state efforts to harass and/or detain such individuals.[64] (…) The Ministry of Communications has also been using voice recognition tools to target activists and political dissents on orders from the Ministry of Intelligence.[65] (…) Iran also continues to monitor bloggers, arresting and imprisoning them for exercising their right to freedom of expression, in direct violation of Iran’s constitution and the ICCPR, to which Iran is a signatory.[66] (…) While several Iranian authorities, including a former Minister of Communications, have warned about the health hazards of satellite jamming signals, no organization has so far assumed responsibility for the practice. On August 21, 2012, in an oblique acknowledgement of such jamming, then-Minister Reza Taghipour told the Iranian Parliament’s News Agency, ICANA, that the jamming signals have nothing to do with the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology and that his Ministry was attempting to discover the source of the jamming signals. However, the Head of the Iranian Parliament’s Health Commission Hosseinali Shahriari said in August 2012 that the Communications Minister and Members of the Parliament are all aware of the source of the jamming signals, but refuse to announce it. (…) In late 2012, for example, the cyber unit of the police detained blogger Sattar Beheshti and returned his dead body to his family in less than a week. There is strong evidence that police agents tortured and killed Beheshti while interrogating him in a police detention center in Robat Karim.[67][68]


Council on Foreign Affairs’ Interview to Rudi Bakhtiar, a journalist and spokesperson for the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran: [the country] “continues with its own agenda,” [the government has been] “arresting, torturing, and killing people ruthlessly.” (…) “hundreds of people who were arrested during the post election violence are still missing.” (…) “Last month two men were hanged in secret–one only 19 years old–for being part of anti-government organization. Nine others are on death row. And of course the level of repression [is high] and a heavy atmosphere of fear is prevalent.” (…) “Not only is this government not showing any signs of improvement on human rights, they have actually upped the ante since their embarrassment last December when anti-government protestors took over the funeral for one of the leaders of the revolution, Ayatollah [Hossein Ali] Montazeri, and then a few days later, the biggest religious holiday for Iran, Ashura.” (…) “The outside world must continue to apply pressure on Iran and hold this government accountable for its unacceptable human rights record and violations of international treaties it has voluntarily signed. That is very much the demand of the Iranian people and is quite distinct from interfering in Iran’s domestic affairs.” (…) “The situation is worse today than it’s been in the past. But make no mistake, this government has been imprisoning, torturing, and killing those who don’t agree with their politics, however peacefully, since the day they took power.” (…) “the people of Iran are angry. They feel cheated by the election.  They feel a sense of injustice – in a way their collective sense of national honor has been wounded.” http://www.cfr.org/iran/irans-excruciating-human-rights-record/p21462


Gary G. Sick, executive director of the Gulf/2000 Project, Columbia University: “Last week, an Iranian-American colleague of mine, Kian Tajbaksh, was sentenced in Tehran to 15 years in prison. The indictment included the charges that (1) he was in contact with me; (2) that he was part of the Gulf/2000 network that I manage; and (3) that I am an agent of the CIA.”  http://www.cfr.org/iran/daily-beast-inside-irans-intimidation-campaign/p20525


Iran Human Rights Report: “Iran Human Rights (IHR) participated in a panel discussion on World Drug Problem under the UN Human Rights Council’s 30th Regular Session on September 28. in Geneva. In a joint statement referring to the execution of more than 2500 alleged drug offenders since 2011, the IHR spokesperson Mahmood Amiry-Moghaddam called on the United Nations’ Office for drugs and Crimes (UNODC) and its funding countries to condition their cooperation with Iran on a moratorium on the death penalty for drug offences.” http://iranhr.net/en/statement/46/


From the website Intelligence on Iran: “The most egregious human rights problems were the government’s severe limitations on citizens’ right to peacefully change their government through free and fair elections; restrictions on civil liberties, including the freedoms of assembly, speech, and press; and the government’s disregard for the physical integrity of persons whom it arbitrarily and unlawfully killed, tortured, and imprisoned. (…) Other reported human rights problems included: disappearances; cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment, including judicially sanctioned amputation and flogging; politically motivated violence and repression, such as beatings and rape; harsh and life-threatening conditions in detention and prison facilities, with instances of deaths in custody; arbitrary arrest and lengthy pretrial detention, sometimes incommunicado; continued impunity of security forces; denial of fair public trials, sometimes resulting in executions without due process; political prisoners and detainees; the lack of an independent judiciary; ineffective implementation of civil judicial procedures and remedies; arbitrary interference with privacy, home, and correspondence; severe restrictions on freedoms of speech (including via the Internet) and press; harassment of journalists; censorship and media content restrictions; severe restrictions on academic freedom; severe restrictions on the freedoms of assembly, association, and religion; some restrictions on freedom of movement; official corruption and lack of government transparency; constraints on investigations of international organizations and nongovernmental organizations (NGO) into alleged violations of human rights; legal and societal discrimination and violence against women, children, ethnic and religious minorities, and lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) persons based on perceived sexual orientation and gender identity; incitement to anti-Semitism and trafficking in persons; and severe restrictions on the exercise of labor rights. (…) The government took few steps to prosecute, punish, or otherwise hold accountable officials who committed abuses. Members of the security forces detained in connection with abuses were frequently released soon after their arrest, and judicial officials did not prosecute offenders. Impunity remained pervasive throughout all levels of government and the security forces. (…) A draft resolution introduced in the UN General Assembly in November 2012 described serious ongoing and recurring human rights violations, which include: Torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, including flogging and amputations; The continuing alarming high frequency of the carrying-out of the death penalty in the absence of internationally recognized safeguards, including an increase in the number of public executions, notwithstanding the issuance of a circular by the former head of the judiciary prohibiting public executions, and secret group executions, as well as reports of executions undertaken without the notification of the prisoner’s family members or legal counsel; The failure to abolish the execution of minors and persons who at the time of their offence were under the age of eighteen, in violation of the obligations of the Islamic Republic of Iran under the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; The imposition of the death penalty for crimes that lack a precise and explicit definition, including moharabeh (enmity against God), and/or for crimes that do not qualify as the most serious crimes, in violation of international law; The practice of suspension strangulation as a method of execution, and the fact that persons in prison continue to face sentences of execution by stoning, notwithstanding the issuance of a circular by the former head of the judiciary prohibiting stoning; Ongoing, systematic, widespread and serious restrictions on freedom of peaceful assembly and association and freedom of opinion and expression, including through efforts to block or filter Internet content, restrict access to foreign e-mail services and a variety of websites, jam international satellite transmission into the Islamic Republic of Iran, censor or close newspapers, magazines and other publications, and cut access to communications and information; The increasing and systematic targeting of human rights defenders, including, but not restricted to, lawyers, journalists, including intimidation of families of independent journalists from Persian-speaking media, and other media representatives, Internet providers, bloggers and netizens, who endure intimidation, interrogation, arrest, arbitrary detention, long-term exile and/or harsh sentences, including death sentences, as a result of their activities, and noting in particular the upholding of prison sentences against staff members of the Defenders of Human Rights Centre; Pervasive gender inequality and violence against women, a continued crackdown on women’s human rights defenders, arrests, violent repression and sentencing of women exercising their right to peaceful assembly, and increased discrimination against women and girls in law and in practice, including by limiting access to higher education, including the closure of seventy-seven fields of study to women by thirty-six universities; Continued discrimination and other human rights violations, at times amounting to persecution, against persons belonging to ethnic, linguistic or other minorities, including Arabs, Azeris, Baluchis and Kurds and their defenders, and noting in particular reports of the violent suppression and detention of ethnic Arabs and Azeris, the violent repression of environmental protests in Azeri territory and the high rate of executions of persons belonging to minority groups, including the recent secret group execution of members of the Ahwazi Arab minority; Increased persecution and human rights violations against persons belonging to recognized religious minorities, including Christians, Jews, Sufi Muslims, Sunni Muslims and Zoroastrians and their defenders, and noting in particular the widespread arrest and detention of Sufi Muslims and evangelical Christians, including the continued detention of Christian pastors; Increased persecution and human rights violations against persons belonging to unrecognized religious minorities, particularly members of the Baha’i faith and their defenders, including escalating attacks, an increase in the number of arrests and detentions, the restriction of access to higher education on the basis of religion, the sentencing of twelve Baha’is associated with Baha’i educational institutions to lengthy prison terms, the continued denial of access to employment in the public sector, additional restrictions on participation in the private sector, and the de facto criminalization of membership in the Baha’i faith; The continued and sustained house arrest of leading opposition figures from the 2009 presidential elections, as well as restrictions on their supporters and family members, including through harassment and intimidation; Ongoing severe limitations and restrictions on the right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion or belief, including arbitrary arrest, indefinite detention and lengthy jail sentences, for those exercising this right, and restrictions on the building of, as well as attacks against, places of worship and burial; Persistent failure to uphold due process of law, and violations of the rights of detainees, including the widespread and systematic use of arbitrary detention and enforced disappearance, the lack of access of detainees to legal representation of their choice, the refusal to consider granting bail to detainees, the poor conditions of prisons, including the serious overcrowding and poor level of sanitation, and the denial of access to medical treatment, as well as persistent reports of detainees dying in custody, being subjected to torture, rape and other forms of sexual violence, harsh interrogation techniques and the use of pressure exerted upon their relatives and dependants, including through arrest, to obtain false confessions that are then used at trials; Continuing arbitrary or unlawful interference by State authorities with the privacy of individuals, in particular in relation to private homes, and with their correspondence, including telephone and e-mail communications, in violation of international law; http://www.iranintelligence.com/humanrights


Middle East Eye: “The United Nations is deeply troubled by the continuing large number of executions in Iran, including of political prisoners and juveniles, according to the annual report of the international body on Tehran’s human rights record. (…) At least 500 people were executed in Iran between January and November 2014, according to the report from the office of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to the UN Human Rights Council. (…) The UN report decried Tehran’s blocking of some five million websites (…) Iranian security forces were criticised for reportedly beating protestors who had gathered in front of parliament on October 2014 to denounce recent acid attacks against women for allegedly wearing improper hijab.”

UN Report: “In 2011, about 48,580 girls between the age of 10 and 14 were married; and in 2012, there were at least 1,537 girls under the age of 10 who were reportedly married.” (…)”Iranian women who marry men from Iraq or Afghanistan are unable to pass on their Iranian nationality to their children, who thereby risk becoming stateless.” (…)”Individuals who have expressed their views on social media or appeared in videos have been targeted and prosecuted,” (…) “Journalists and activists were detained, including members of the Iran Student News Agency, who were reportedly interviewing victims and photographing the protest.” (…) [Regarding human rights campaigners] “one individual was sentenced to 50 lashes, and another to death. Many of the trials had been marred by procedural irregularities, including deprivation of legal representation and exclusion from attending one’s own sentencing.” (…) “Members of ethnic and religious minority groups continue to face persecution, including arrest and imprisonment, the denial of economic opportunities, expulsion from educational institutions, deprivation of the right to work, and closure of businesses and the destruction of religious sites, such as cemeteries and prayer centres. Individuals seeking greater recognition for their cultural and linguistic rights risk facing harsh penalties, including capital punishment.” http://www.middleeasteye.net/news/un-report-details-iran-human-rights-violations-371912292


Lucy Westcott (Newsweek): “Iran has engaged in various forms of torture, including the surgical removal of eyes and hand amputations as retribution, as well as flogging, this year, according to the report. Journalists, writers and activists also continue to be jailed, including Jason Rezaian, the Tehran bureau chief for The Washington Post, who was convicted by an Iranian court earlier this month after being held for more than a year. The report doesn’t mention Rezaian by name, and Shaheed said on Monday that he doesn’t have any additional information on his case. (…) The Iranian government rejected a recommendation from the U.N. that would amend its penal code to criminalize domestic violence, including marital rape, according to the report.”  http://www.newsweek.com/irans-human-rights-remain-dismal-despite-nuclear-deal-un-387740


Stephanie Nebehay (The Huffington Post): “Iran has stepped up executions of prisoners including juveniles as well as arrests of dissidents who are often tortured in jail, sometimes to death (…) opposition leaders Mehdi Karoubi and Mir Hossein Mousavi, who are under house arrest, are among hundreds of political prisoners held for exercising their right to freedom of expression during protests over alleged fraud in the re-election of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in 2009. (…) blogger Sattar Beheshti was arrested last October after receiving death threats and died some days later in prison. (…) Torture by blunt instruments, including truncheons, and rapes and electric shocks have been reported in Iran” http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/03/01/iran-torture-executions-arrests-un_n_2784284.html


Roya Boroumand Executive director, Abdorrahman Boroumand Foundation: “The recently published third report by Dr. Ahmad Shaheed, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in the Islamic Republic of Iran, provoked a statement from Sadeq Larijani. In an October 18 statement, the evidently irritated head of Iran’s judiciary attacked Dr. Shaheed’s sources and stressed that “there are absolutely no political executions in Iran.” (…) For those of us who spend our days documenting executions in Iran, to hear a denial such as this from the top official in a court system where denial of due process is sanctioned by law and unfair trials are the norm, may bring a wry smile. For the thousands of Iranian families -and mine is one of them- whose hopes and often lives have been laid waste by the politically motivated killings of their loved ones, the denial is a sad reminder of a persistent culture of impunity. (…) On 18 April 1991, in a barely audible voice, my brother gave me the terrible news over the phone: “They hit Dad.” After a few desperate questions -“Where is he now? “How badly is he injured?”- I had to accept the simple reality. My father had been stabbed to death by professionals, according to the police, in his apartment building in Paris. (…) My 19-year-old brother was the only one among us to see my father’s body drenched in blood. It was a sight that he has never talked about and that no doubt haunts him to this day. The astonished face of my colleague who quietly drove me home and the dismay on the faces of relatives and friends who showed up at my door throughout that awful day remain vivid in my mind. The act of stealing a life -arbitrarily and with cowardice- that April day was an assault on our dignity but also on our happiness. Life was never going to be the same for us. (…) My father had been a supporter of deposed premier Mohammed Mossadeq and a dissident for decades. He had always advocated democracy, which made him a “corruptor on earth” for the Islamic Republic’s judiciary, though he did not believe in armed struggle, which spared him the charge of “waging war against God.” My initial reaction to his murder was obsessively to ask myself “Why? Why now?” I knew well that we were neither the first, nor would we be the last, family to find themselves mourning a loved one killed in such circumstances. What I couldn’t comprehend was why Iran’s rulers feared an exiled dissident with little means of actually endangering the regime. (…) we, the families, are here to remind the world that political executions and assassination in Iran exist, whether they are officially acknowledged or not. (…) In August 2008, civil-society activist Ya’qub Mehrnahad was executed for alleged links to armed groups in Iranian Baluchistan. More likely, he was killed because he promoted nonviolence and attracted young Baluchis to his NGO called Questioning Youth, Accountable Leaders. His captors advised his family against contacting human-rights lawyers and sentenced to prison his 15-year-old brother who dared publicize the case. (…) Through my work toward documenting the stories of all the Islamic Republic’s victims, I have found the best answers I can to the questions that obsessed in 1991. I have also found some relief from the consuming anguish and frustration that decades of untold stories and anonymous suffering by thousands of victims and victims’ loved ones have brought in their train. (…)Larijani’s absurd claim that “there are absolutely no political executions in Iran” did not make me smile, but it did reinforce my conviction that truth telling is the most effective tool we have to make tyrants uneasy and slower to unleash their violence.” http://www.huffingtonpost.com/roya-boroumand/iran-human-rights_b_1998345.html


Human Rights Watch Report: “Repressive elements within the security and intelligence forces and the judiciary retained wide powers and continued to be the main perpetrators of rights abuses. Executions, especially for drug-related offenses, continued at a high rate. Security and intelligence forces arrested journalists, bloggers, and social media activists, and revolutionary courts handed down heavy sentences against them. (…) According to unofficial sources, at least eight executed prisoners may have been child offenders aged under eighteen at the time of the murder and rape crimes for which they received death sentences. Dozens of child offenders reportedly remained on death row and at risk of execution. Iranian law allows capital punishment for persons who have reached the official age of puberty: nine for girls, fifteen for boys. (…) On June 12, authorities informed the families of Ali Chabishat and Seyed Khaled Mousavi, Iranian-Arabs from Ahvaz in Khuzestan, that they had secretly executed and buried them, despite appeals by the United Nations. (…) The judiciary continued to allow the execution of prisoners convicted of moharebeh despite penal code changes requiring that it review and vacate death sentences unless there is proof that the alleged perpetrator resorted to the use of arms. (…) according to Reporters Without Borders, Iran held at least 48 journalists, bloggers, and social media activists in detention. (…) In May, a Tehran revolutionary court sentenced eight Facebook users to a total of 127 years in prison for allegedly posting messages deemed to insult government officials and religious sanctities, among other crimes (…) police attacked and arrested at least 25 workers who were protesting poor wages and labor conditions outside the Labor Ministry and a Tehran bus terminal. Police took the workers to Evin Prison before releasing them. Several of them face charges related to illegal gathering. (…) Prisoners, especially those sentenced on politically motivated charges, faced regular abuse by guards and were denied necessary medical treatment. In April, guards severely beat several dozen political prisoners in Ward 350 of Evin Prison and forced around 30 to pass between two rows of guards, who punched, kicked, and beat them with batons, causing some to sustain serious injuries, according to relatives of the victims. Officials later subjected at least 31 prisoners to prolonged solitary confinement and degrading treatment. (…) The government denies freedom of religion to Baha’is, Iran’s largest non-Muslim religious minority, and discriminates against them. At least 136 Baha’is were held in Iran’s prisons as of May 2014. State authorities also desecrated Baha’i cemeteries, including one in Shiraz which the authorities began excavating in April. Security and intelligence forces also continued to target Christian converts from Islam, Persian-speaking Protestant and evangelical congregations, and members of the home church movement. Many faced charges such as acting against the national security and propaganda against the state. (…) Authorities restrict political participation and public sector employment of non-Shia Muslim minorities, including Sunnis, who account for about 10 percent of the population. They also prevent Sunnis from constructing their own mosques in Tehran and conducting separate Eid prayers. Government targeting of members of Sufi mystical orders, particularly members of the Nematollahi Gonabadi order, continued. In March, police beat and arrested several demonstrators who gathered outside a judiciary building in Tehran to seek the release of several detained Sufis. (…) The government restricted cultural as well as political activities among the country’s Azeri, Kurdish, Arab, and Baluch minorities. Afghan refugees and migrant workers, estimated at between 2.5 and 3 million, continued to face serious abuses.” https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2015/country-chapters/iran


The Tower Magazine: “Shayan Arya of the Constitutionalist Party of Iran lamented that Iran’s human rights abuses have unfortunately been overlooked by the international community in light of current negotiations between Iran and the P5+1. Insisting that the regime’s actions speak louder than words, Arya explained that Rouhani should not be seen as a moderate, because as a former representative of the Ayatollah Khamenei in the Supreme National Security Council and as head of its Political, Defense, and Security Committee, Rouhani has been an integral part of every aggressive move the Islamic Republic has made since 1982. Arya argued that it would be a mistake to think of Rouhani separately from the regime.” http://www.thetower.org/1764oc-experts-human-rights-situation-has-worsened-in-iran-since-rouhani-came-to-power/


Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2014, United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor: “There were reports of politically motivated abductions during the year, all of which were attributed to government officials. The government made no effort to prevent or investigate such acts and meted out no punishment. Plainclothes officials often seized journalists and activists without warning, and government officials refused to acknowledge custody or provide information on them. In other cases, authorities detained persons incommunicado for lengthy periods before permitting them to contact family members.” http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/236810.pdf

Commission on Human Rights, Final Report on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran by the Special Representative of the Commission on Human Rights, Mr. Reynaldo Galindo Pohl, pursuant to Commission resolution 1992/67 of 4 March 1992: “a total of 500 cases of missing persons, one of which was reported to have occurred in 1992. So far only one case has been clarified by information received from non-governmental sources. (…) It has been reported that Mr. Bahman Qahramani disappeared in 1988 after being detained in the city of Yasooj, on political charges. The fate of this person remained unknown. No investigation appeared to have been carried out by the Government in spite of numerous inquiries by his relatives.” https://www.iranrights.org/attachments/library/doc_194.pdf

United Nations General Assembly Report, November 8, 1993: “It was reported that the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances of the Commission on Human Rights had transmitted to the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran a total of 500 cases of missing persons. So far only one case has been clarified by information received from non-governmental sources.(…) It was reported that Mr. Abbas Gholizadeh, a member of the opposition group Derafsh-e Kaviani, the Flag of Freedom Organization of Iran, was abducted near his home in Istanbul in December 1992. No news of him is available. It has been reported that Mr. Shahriar Farsi, a geologist born on 20 March 1965 in Tehran, son of Mr. Hayat Gholi and Mrs. Sammaie, married with one child, disappeared on 11 November 1992 while he was working with a civil electric company. His fate remains unknown. No investigation appeared to have been carried out in spite of numerous inquiries by his relatives.” https://www.iranrights.org/attachments/library/doc_193.pdf





Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2013, United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor:  “The constitution provides for equal protection for women under the law and all human, political, economic, social, and cultural rights in conformity with Islam. The government did not enforce the law, however, and provisions in the Islamic civil and penal codes, particularly sections dealing with family and property law, discriminate against women. Discrimination restricted women’s economic, social, political, academic, and cultural rights. The governmental Center for Women and Family continued to publish reports on women’s rights with a conservative religious slant and limited the debate on women’s issues to matters related to the home. The center did not raise ideas contrary to the government or its interpretation of Islam (…) Women may not run for president or serve in many high-level political positions or as judges, except as consultants or research judges without the power to impose sentences (…) Women faced discrimination in home and property ownership as well as access to financing. The government enforced gender segregation in many public spaces, including for patients during medical care, and prohibited women from mixing openly with unmarried men or men not related to them. Women must ride in a reserved section on public buses and enter public buildings, universities, and airports through separate entrances. (…) In a November 20 speech to military commanders, Supreme Leader Khamenei referred to Israel as a rabid dog in the region, (…) law prohibits blind and deaf persons from running for seats in the Islamic Consultative Assembly (…) The government disproportionately targeted minority groups, including Kurds, Arabs, Azeris, and Baluchis, for arbitrary arrest, prolonged detention, and physical abuse (…) These groups reported political and socioeconomic discrimination, particularly in their access to economic aid, business licenses, university admissions, permission to publish books, and housing and land rights. Human rights organizations including the ICHRI and the IHRDC, observed that the government’s application of the death penalty disproportionately affected ethnic minorities (…) The law criminalizes consensual same-sex sexual activity, which may be punishable by death or flogging. Security forces harassed, arrested, and detained individuals they suspected of being gay. In some cases security forces raided houses and monitored internet sites for information on LGBT persons. Those accused of sodomy often faced summary trials, and evidentiary standards were not always met. Punishment for same-sex sexual activity between men was more severe than for such conduct between women (…) According to the state-run media agency, IRGC and Basij officers raided an alleged “gay” birthday party in Kermanshah on October 8. Authorities reportedly fingerprinted and interrogated 80 attendees, confiscated their electronic devices and passwords, subjected some individuals to beatings and electrical shocks, and arrested 17 individuals who were subject to further abusive treatment in detention, including being severely beaten, photographed naked, and processed for mock execution. Security forces released without charge all detainees from the raid within one week and returned their belongings. No charges were filed at year’s end” http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/220564.pdf

Human Rights and Democracy for Iran: “Gender Discrimination and Human Rights in Iran. The level of gender discrimination enforced could also vary with the locale. In the holy city of Qom, where restrictions and repression are high, the government’s own statistics has shown a much higher rate of depression among young women than has been found in the more liberal environment of the capital. (…) International law is currently inequitable in failing to criminalize systematic gender discrimination where this closely resembles racial apartheid in its scope and impact. The attitude of the international community needs to change on this score. Although gender apartheid and racial apartheid are not perfectly congruent, they are close cousins. In the discriminatory treatment of women in Iran, and in most other Middle Eastern countries, one finds inhuman acts committed for the purpose of establishing and maintaining domination by one group (men) over another group of persons (women).” https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/2014/gender-discrimination-and-human-rights-in-iran

Justice for Iran: “Based on our findings, some of the various forms of sexual torture, such as the rape of virgin girls prior to their execution, were conducted in a systematic way and were based on the interpretation of an order by Ayatollah Khomeini (1979-1989), the Islamic Republic Supreme Leader at the time (quoted by Ayatollah Montazeri, his deputy of the time). In addition, various verses from the Koran and shari’a based fatwas were used to claim that women who were captured in battle with the kuffar (infidels) were akin to property and slaves of the army of Islam (a practice of the Middle Ages which had subsequently been accepted, at least theologically, as a part of Islamic war practices). That is to say the prison and judicial authorities were treated as the victorious army and female political prisoners as their slaves, not as citizens with different political perspectives. These theological sources provided religious ‘justification’ for raping imprisoned women. (…) The belief that rape was administered as an organized crime against political prisoners in Iran, particularly since the rise of Islamists to power, was strengthened by an increasing number of victims’ public testimonies. (…) Our interviews and testimonies make it amply clear that the regime used ‘motherhood inside prison’ as a specific form of both psychological and physical abuse of women. Some women were either pregnant at the time of their arrest or were arrested along with their infants. About one fifth (15 out of 77) of our interviewees recounted horrific experiences during pregnancy, delivery (or abortion/miscarriage), as well as traumas of raising their children inside prison in the 1980s. Many of the interviewees viewed the act of being deprived of basic hygienic, nutritional, and personal care products, for themselves or their children, as a form of torture. While we normally consider this as ‘inhumane treatment’, having listened to numerous dreadful accounts of these deprivations, we determined that prolonged and consistent inhumane treatment, systematically carried out, (…) a considerable number of [forced] marriages occurred inside prison, particularly between imprisoned women and male authorities. These marriages are too frequent in number to be considered exceptional cases. Taking into account the structures put forth in international legal definitions, the sexual relations that resulted from these marriages, where women did not have a real choice and were forced to accept sexual relations with prison authorities, were instances of sexual torture. (…)  The subject of raping young women in prison and specially raping of the unmarried women were circulating as rumors, which the authorities had categorically denied, claiming that such rumors were the work of enemies of the revolution. However, later the issue was reframed by the authorities as ‘marrying’ young women a night before their execution. This new turn was presented these rapes as a religiously sanctioned action of the judiciary. (…) The reports, often spread through word of mouth, detailed the systematic rape of virgin girls before execution. It was said that according to Islamic laws, a virgin girl is considered to be innocent, and therefore upon execution she will go to heaven. Therefore the prison authorities, in order to prevent prisoners’ entry into heaven, decided to forcibly ‘marry’ (siqih) girls sentenced to execution to a pasdar (Revolutionary Guard) or other prison employee, so that they could be raped, rendering them no longer virgin, and then executed the day after. (…) What is important here is recognizing the fact that these rapes and practices were known, to both Montazeri and other high officials in the regime according to his [Montazeri’s] memoirs, and yet no concerted action was taken to stop them. (…) [Girls’] families came to understand what transpired in the final hours of their daughters lives. Prisoners were sometimes given a pen to write their final will in the hours before their execution. Some prisoners used these pens to write on their bodies or clothes that they were raped (Elaheh Daknama, Adel Abad Prison Shiraz and Sima Matlabi, Vakil Abad Prison of Mashhad). Some families saw signs of torture on the bodies of their executed (…) As we have attempted to demonstrate, rape before execution was a systematic action. The fact that it continued for so many years also means it could not have been unknown to higher officials within the government, and thus the entire regime is implicated in this atrocity, not just those committing these crimes. (…) it is clear that in the case of these marriages, the consent of the women prisoners is very questionable. ‘Consent’ which sets apart a willing and free relationship from that of rape, effectively ceases to hold merit when the woman is in prison and under threat, enforcement or harassment. (…) if the victim expresses her consent in having sexual relations or entering into a marriage, this consent is not ‘genuine’2 and cannot be a justification for denying the occurrence of rape.”[69]


U.S. Committee on Foreign Affairs: “Women are subject to fines by the morality police for failing to wear a hijab in public. And, shockingly, there are now calls for a well-known Iranian actress, Leila Hatami, to be publicly flogged after a male director kissed her cheek at the Cannes Film Festival.”[70]


Justice for Iran: “Iran is the first country where all women are forced by law to observe hijab laws. Without espousing a clear definition of hijab, Islamic Republic laws consider women who lack Islamic veil in public as committing a crime punishable by imprisonment and fines. (…) this report demonstrate[s] that over the past ten years alone, more than thirty thousand women have been arrested in different cities of Iran. Official statistics also reveal that 460,432 women have been warned by public patrol officers, resulting in at least 7,000 women being forced to sign a statement promising to observe hijab, while at least 4,358 cases have been referred to judicial authorities. (…) Evidence presented in this report shows that a high number of women are not only exposed to insults, harassment and physical abuse at the hands of the authorities, but that they also face detention and various forms of torture, including lashing. The report describes the process of arrest and prosecution of women based on the charge of improper Islamic hijab as well as the resulting unjust sentences. It also presents an overview of the psychological abuse, where in some cases women have faced death or suicide. (…) According to Article 102 of the Penal Code approved by Iranian Parliament on 9 August 1983 “Women who appear in public without religious hijab will be sentenced to whipping up to 74 lashes.” The same Article requires Islamic Revolutionary komitehs to arrest and transfer those women who do not conform to Islamic hijab as outlined in this Article. It was then that specialized “anti-vice” Jundullah patrols were tasked with patrolling the cities, in order to confront women who did not observe hijab laws as indicated by the state. After komitehs were disbanded in 1992 this mandate was handed over to the police force. (…) In September 2013, Sirus Sajjadiyan, Chief of Police in Fars Province warned that authorities would confiscate vehicles of women who failed to properly observe hijab laws. [71](…) Reports indicate that officials have refused women the right to board on domestic as well as international flights due to improper hijab. Although the same hijab rules apply to airports as with other public spaces, it appears that security forces make a stronger effort to apply them to female travellers. (…) There are no official studies or statistics, except for observations by travellers and limited statistics which reveal extreme measures taken at airports. Nabiollah Heydari, the then chief of police at Iranian airports announced in May 2011 that during the previous three months, 71 women were not allowed to travel because of improper coverage. According to Heydari, 112 women were arrested following socially deviant discussions, and 3,506 women were required to submit a written pledge to observe the laws. He added that 33,029 citizens were allowed to fly only after changing their clothing and 87,714 women were warned about their improper hijab.[72] (…) Even more disconcerting is the policy of controlling women’s hijab outside of Iran as a means of oppression. In June 2012, Gholamhossein Ejehei, in his capacity as a spokesperson for the judiciary announced that a number of female artists are banned from travelling overseas because they failed to comply with Islamic hijab rules. He told the reporters that these individuals were invited to attend award ceremonies overseas and have fallen into trap.[73] (…) Preventing women from receiving public services as a means of enforcing hijab is an established policy used by the Islamic Republic involving a range of practices such as mandatory chador laws at some government hospitals or refusing to allow entry of women into medical care facilities. (…) Some medical centres include signs indicating that women lacking chador are not able to receive medical care. Kosar Medical Complex in Mahallati borough in north Tehran, affiliated with the IRGC, is one such example. (…)Forced hijab laws based on a social construct that discriminates against women violates the universal right to gender equality. It also violates the right to belief and expression for those women who do not want to have hijab. Forced hijab violates the most fundamental civil rights of women and punishments including arrest, lashing and fines which more often than not are accompanied by insults, verbal abuse and other forms of physical abuse and torture. In addition, in many cases, hijab results in the denial of the right to education, right to work, right to security, access to medical facilities and care, right to participate in cultural activities and the right to movement. All of these rights are recognized in the International Bill of Rights as well as the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which the Islamic Republic, a signatory, is duty bound to promote and protect.”[74]

Iran Human Rights Documentation Center: “Beginning in 1985, United Nations Special Representatives to Iran issued regular reports documenting allegations of sexual violence and rape in prisons. In a 1987 report, the Special Representative noted that six sympathizers of the People’s Mujahedin Organization of Iran testified about experiencing and witnessing many forms of torture, including sexual abuse, in Iranian prisons.[75] One woman, Mina Vatani, reported that she witnessed seventy persons being executed in Evin prison in early 1982, and that the victims included pregnant women and women who had been raped before being executed.[76] (…) In 2002, the Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women reported that Soraya Dalaian had been repeatedly raped by two men over a 24-hour period in Evin Prison in 1997. She reported that this was not.[77] (…) The U.N. Special Rapporteurs on Torture have consistently noted that rape in prison is torture.[78][79]


Testimony of “Mahdis,” a young woman arrested in 2002 following a student protest and held in Evin prison, reported that she was repeatedly raped by her interrogators: “Following my second interrogation, I was raped for three days. I was bleeding, but they did not even give me a pad. They raped me in a violent manner. The two men never said their names. They called each other “Seyyed” or “Haji.” The first time, I begged them not to rape me and I told them that I was a virgin. But they calmly said, “You haven’t tasted it? Now taste it!” The interrogators cut my clothes with scissors so that they could take them off. My arm was wounded by the scissors. They told me that if I said a thing, they would kill my entire family. I was really injured.”

Testimony of Saeeda Siabi, a woman who was imprisoned along with her 4 moth old baby and who experienced abhorrent abuses: “I was arrested with my husband and my four month old son. I spent four and a half years in prison, and suffered severe mistreatment, sexual harassment and rape during interrogation. (…) I grew up in a politically active family. My husband and I were both political activists. Like our families, we were engaged in political activities against the Islamic Republic right from the inception of the regime. We believed that the establishment of a clerical system was a step backward for the Iranian people. We believed the clerics were ignorant, savage and barbaric people who would lead our beloved country to destruction. Thus, both of our families were against the regime. (…) First the interrogators asked me to reveal the identity of my comrades and the whereabouts of my brother and sister – otherwise they would do this or that to me. They asked for the names of every person I knew. I said that I did not know. When they didn’t get what they wanted, they took me to a torture room through a narrow corridor. I was on my way when the radio announced it was 6:30 in the morning. A short while later, the torture began. (…) They beat me with anything that was accessible to them like cable, wire and lashes. They hit me on the soles of my feet. Then they forced me to walk. Sometimes they crushed my feet with their army boots. I was holding my son and some of their blows hit my son too. My main concern was him and I wanted to protect him at any cost. They knew that I was very vulnerable with respect to my son. They wanted to exploit it in order to make me confess. (…) On the first night, when I was brought back to my cell after hours of torture, I noticed that I had many wounds on my head and back. The next day, they hit me with lashes on the soles of my feet. They tied me to an iron bed that was about 60 to 70 centimeters. They made me lie on the bed face down and tied my hands and feet to the bed. Then they took off my clothes and covered me with a thin blanket. Meanwhile, they covered my hair with a scarf to make it seem Islamic. They made my son sit in a corner of the room. He screamed while they beat me. Sometimes, his throat became sore and blood came from his mouth. He was four months old and it was very hard for him to bear. (…) We were allowed to use the restroom for 10 to 15 minutes three times a day. The water was cold and I had to clean my son with cold water and wash my hands and face with it. (…) The worst torture for me was to hear the voice of my husband under torture. When they tortured him, I could hear his voice in my room. They deliberately played his voice live for me through speakers at my room. I was ready to go through thousands of forms of torture in order not to hear my husband’s voice. It was the most painful torture. I could not stand it. It was breaking and killing me. (…) The skin of my son’s feet was burned by pee as I had no clothes and diapers to keep him clean. There was not enough food. After a while, my milk dried up and I didn’t have milk or food to feed him. My son kept crying because he was hungry. When I think about those days, I wonder how on earth I tolerated the pain, the stress, the torture, and the psychological pressure and still took good care of my son. (…) A week after my arrest, they took my son from me. It was another method of their torture. My son was hurt there. They told me that I was not allowed to bring up a kid as a non believer in an Islamic country. They said that my milk was religiously prohibited because I was a non-believer. They said that I was an infidel and I was not a proper mom to my son. The next time they came and said that they had decided to give my son to an orphanage to bring him up. I did not give up my son. I told them they could take my son over my dead body. A woman Pasdar came to take him from me by force. I hit her in the stomach. She fell to the ground, insulted me, and went away. (…) Then a strong Sepah man came and insulted me and said, “Whore, don’t think God has given this son to you. He has given him to the Islamic Government. You don’t have any right over him.” He came and pulled him away from my arm. He was pulling him toward himself and I was holding him in my arms. At this time, I heard a clicking sound from my son’s back. My hands loosened. I thought my son was split in two. He fell on the ground and he took him away. (…) I was crushed when they threatened me with rape. I grew up in a political family and was politically active from childhood. I had never thought about sexual violence and it had never come to my mind that one day I would be a victim of sexual violence. Just the thought of rape devastated me. I got mad and very angry. (…) They took me to a torture room and tied me to a bed. I was wounded and injured but I forgot about wounds and injuries. I thought I was fainting. The anger and the depth of the impending tragedy and the prospect of being raped were suffocating me. I could hardly take a breath. I thought about my son and what he would make of it. I was concerned about the negative impact of rape on him. I was afraid that he could hear and see. I was only thinking about him -just him. (…) I thought I had a stroke. I was lying as if I were unconscious. Moments later I felt only… I felt weak, miserable, hatred, and anger. I fell unconscious. When I regained consciousness, I found myself in my cell. I felt extreme burning. In fact, the burning revived me. The burning was thousands times worse than torture. I felt they had inserted something hot or a sharp knife in my back. It was a horrible feeling, absolutely horrible. (…) I wished I was dead. I felt guilty. I thought I was contaminated, tainted and tarnished forever. I cried and cried heavily. My cry was very painful. I felt ruined, degraded and destroyed. (…) Years later when I came to Canada and visited a psychologist, I understood that rape is a form of torture and that there is no difference between rape and other sorts of torture. But at that time, I felt sin and guilt. Since then I’ve never dared to look at my son’s eyes. He was four months old but now he is 29 years old. (…) I decided to commit suicide. I looked for something to kill first my son and then myself. I thought about the rapes a lot. The more I thought, the more I blamed myself, and the more I suffered. This feeling still torments me. (…) Sexual intimidation and sexual discussion was part and parcel of many interrogation sessions. Sometimes they described the rape in graphic detail that made me throw up. For instance, they would tell me how they would rape me. During interrogations, they asked me questions about my sexual relationships with my friends who were girls. For instance, they wanted me to confess to unlawful sexual relationships with my friends. One of my friends was a journalist. They wanted me to confess to having a sexual relationship with her. I spoke with her a while ago after her release following the 2009 post-election demonstrations. She was asked similar kinds of questions when she was detained. They also wanted me to describe the act of sexual intercourse of a friend of mine with his fiancée. (…) [Time after] I was released, I set up a new blog for myself and wrote about what happened to me in prison. (…) two weeks later on February 13, 2006, I was arrested again. I received a warrant to appear in the Prosecutor’s office in Region 21 of Tehran. There, Mohibi, my interrogator, said that they had warned me not to tell anybody about my prison experience. Then, he wrote my offenses and charged me with the crime of national security, disruption of public opinion, publishing false [information] to disrupt public opinion, denial of the emergence of Mahdi (the Shiite religious messiah) -such a crime does not exist in the Penal Code- spreading immorality, unlawful sexual relationships, insulting prophets, and insulting Ayatollah Khomaini and Ayatollah Khāmene’i. (…) I was in prison for 21 months and released on bail. I stayed in Iran for another two years and left in 2008.”


Human Rights and Democracy for Iran: “Iran Judges: a Selection Process that Paves the Way for Injustice. The most important of these discriminatory practices is gender-based discrimination. Under Iranian laws, judges must be selected from among men, and women are not allowed to become judges. After the 1979 Revolution and the entry of Shari’a into the social sphere, Iran’s legislators prohibited women from becoming judges by resorting to Shari’a laws and usage of sometimes flawed interpretations. The Law for the Selection of Judges of 1982, thus took away women’s right to become a judge. Half of the people who could have joined the workforce as judges were, therefore, prohibited from doing so. The legal prohibition of women to enter the judicial system as judges with decision-making authority is the worst type of discrimination and will undoubtedly have a negative impact on the judicial system’s aspiration for excellence. It must be noted that entry of women into judicial positions where they do not have the authority to render a decision is permitted.” https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/2877

Human Rights and Democracy for Iran: “RESOLUTION AGAINST GENDER DISCRIMINATION IN THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN. During the past hundred years, the codified laws for the human rights of women in our country have been disregarded. Since that time, Iranian women have struggled very hard to achieve equal human rights. However, this unjust trend continues. Today, we see that legal deadlocks and discriminatory laws have created many difficulties in women’s lives in our society. This undermines the position of women both in the family and in the greater society. These discriminatory laws have led to the passage of other unjust laws and regulations, such as the “Temporary Working Contract Law” under which women suffer the most. (…) women’s right to petition for a divorce is restricted to such a few specific situations that they can end up pleading their cases before the courts for 10 years in order to obtain a divorce. (…) We demand equal rights in marriage. This includes: the abolishment of the law requiring a woman to obtain her husband’s permission to work outside the home; an increase in the marriage age from 13 to 18 years of age for girls and boys: revocation of the stipulation that a girl must receive permission from her father and grandfather before marrying; and abolishment of the law of condescension (which, among other things, requires a woman to obtain her husband’s permission to travel in and out of the country, gives a man sole authority over the family, and makes the citizenship of a woman and her children contingent upon the citizenship status of her husband (…) According to our civil law, a mother can never be her child’s guardian. Even when the father or the grandfather is absent, custody of the child does not go to the mother. She can only be her child’s caregiver. Hence, we demand guardianship [of our children], the right to manage [our children’s] finances , the power to make decisions about [our children’s] education and our place of residence, the right to exit the country, the ability to voice our opinion and to exercise authority over our children’s health care, and an equal say in other issues related to parenting. [For] mothers too should have the right to be parents and guardians of their children.” https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/265/resolution-against-gender-discrimination-in-the-islamic-republic-of-iran

Human Rights and Democracy for Iran: “Statement of Iranian Women’s Movement Coalition to Propose Their Demands for the Coming Presidential Election. No society can be democratic and just—which are the long-standing ideals of Iranian society— without the elimination of discrimination against women. (…) We endeavour to eliminate the discriminatory laws against women specifically through the revision of Articles 19, 20, 21 and 115 of the Iranian Constitution with respect to the embodiment of the principle of unconditional gender equality.” https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/579/statement-of-iranian-womens-movement-coalition-to-propose-their-demands-for-the-coming-presidental-election





Human Rights and Democracy for Iran: “Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, November 7, 2013 Report. (…) LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) Iranians are subject to a wide range of abusive and discriminatory practices such as custodial rape, arrests at social functions, expulsion from educational institutions and denial of employment opportunities. (…) While the Iranian government permits, and in fact encourages, sex-reassignment surgeries (SRS), transgender individuals face unequal treatment. They could be subject to arbitrary arrest simply due to their appearance, and many carry official documents that state their status in order to be protected from official harassment. Often, transgender individuals are pressured to undergo SRS. (…) Iran’s treatment of its LGBT minority violates international law. The rights of LGBT persons to life, health, non-discrimination and privacy are routinely violated by the IRI. In addition, LGBT persons are deprived of the freedom of peaceful assembly as well as the freedom of opinion, expression and information. LGBT persons are also subject to torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatments or punishments in violation of international law. (…) Farshid, a 27-year-old homosexual Iranian, had no choice but to keep silent after two plainclothes agents of the Iranian state raped him in Tehran one autumn night in 2007.  Farshid was out with his friends when the agents approached him. He was told that he would be taken to police headquarters. Instead he was taken to the basement of a house, where the two plainclothes agents raped him in the bathroom. They told him that they knew he was gay. One of the plainclothes agents took photos of Farshid when he was naked, and he stated he would distribute his photos if Farshid spoke out about what had happened. (…) The IRI’s treatment of the LGBT minority since the Iranian Revolution of 1979 has been the subject of serious concern from the international community. Iran is one of only seven countries in the world that imposes the death penalty for homosexual acts.[80] (…) Based on Shari’a law, or Islamic religious law, Iran’s Islamic Penal Code (IPC) provides for the death penalty and lashing of individuals convicted of engaging in sexual acts with someone of the same sex.[81] (…) Iranian officials state that human rights protections enshrined in international conventions do not apply to homosexuals. (…) Several prominent Islamic jurists have stated that while the passive partner in sodomy should always be killed, the active partner is only condemned to death if he is married. (…) Many LGBT persons have been subject to arbitrary arrest and detention simply because of their different appearance or demeanor. Several IHRDC witnesses spoke about how they were arrested and mistreated. (…) Lesbians and gays face serious violations of their human rights in the IRI. The IPC provides for severe punishment of homosexual acts. These punishments include the death penalty and flogging. Given that in Iran’s legal system the “knowledge” of the judge can be the basis for a defendant’s guilt, individuals engaging in same-sex acts can be arbitrarily sentenced to harsh punishments.” conclusions https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/2636

Human Rights in Iran Unit, University of Essex: “Extensive documentation indicates that while same-sex relations (sexual acts) are criminalized, any sexual orientation that is not heterosexual is considered an illness, approached with medical treatments ranging from psychotherapy to sex reassignment surgery.[82] (…) Psychological therapies assess whether an individual can be “cured” of this illness by changing a person’s orientation to heterosexual through therapy.[83]  (…) Documentation suggests that where medical professionals consider they have “failed to cure” non-heterosexual preferences, the State eventually encourages individuals to change their bodies by undergoing sex reassignment surgeries.[84] (…) From the State perspective, the outcome fixes the problem: for example, a woman who is attracted to women has become a man who is attracted to women. (…) Sex reassignment surgeries are common within Iran; Iran is responsible for the second highest number of these surgeries worldwide.[85][86]

HUMAN RIGHTS FOR EVERYONE EVERYWHERE (IGLHRC)& IRANIAN QEER ORGANIZATION (IRQO): “The sexual assault of transgender women, including rape, in state custody is a particularly severe threat, especially because incarcerated transgender women are frequently held in jail and prison facilities intended for men.[87][88]





Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2014, United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor: “Endowed religious charitable foundations, or “bonyads,” accounted for a large portion of the country’s economy that some experts estimated at 30 percent. Government insiders, including members of the military and clergy, ran these tax-exempt organizations, which are defined under law as charities. Members of the political opposition and international corruption watchdog organizations frequently accused bonyads of corruption. Bonyads received benefits from the government but were not required to have their budgets publicly approved by any government agency. (…) Officials in all three branches of government frequently engaged in corrupt practices with impunity. Many officials expected bribes for providing routine service. Individuals routinely bribed officials to obtain permits for illegal construction. (…) International news agencies reported that numerous Revolutionary Guard-owned front companies and subsidiaries engaged in trade and business activities, sometimes illicitly, in the telecommunications, mining, and construction sectors. (…) Other IRGC entities reportedly engaged in smuggling pharmaceutical products and raw materials. The domestic and international press similarly reported that individuals with strong government connections had access to foreign currency at preferential exchange rates, allowing them to take advantage of a gap between the country’s black market and official exchange rates.” http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/236810.pdf

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2012, United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor: “Officials in all three branches of government frequently engaged in corrupt practices with impunity. Many officials expected bribes for providing even routine service. Individuals routinely bribed officials to obtain permits for illegal construction. (…) Endowed religious charitable foundations, or bonyads, accounted for a large portion of the country’s economy that some experts estimated at approximately 30 percent. The tax-exempt organizations, defined under law as charities, were run by government insiders, including members of the military and the clergy. Members of the political opposition and international corruption watchdog organizations frequently accused bonyads of corruption. Bonyads received benefits from the government but were not required to have their budgets publicly approved. (…) The IRGC operated numerous front companies and subsidiaries that engaged in illicit trade and business activities in the telecommunications, construction, mining, and construction. The IRGC’s construction subsidiary, Khatam ol-Anbiya, reportedly benefited from corrupt ties to the petroleum sector. For example, on August 4, the deputy oil minister for planning and hydrocarbon resources announced, According to a directive from the oil minister (Rostam Qassemi, the former chief of Khatam ol-Anbiya), the awarding of joint oil and gas field development plans will be done without the tendering process. On August 22, Iranian exile media outlet Radio Zamaneh reported that Khatam ol-Anbiya had been awarded a noncompetitive gas development deal. According to Radio Zamaneh, the managing director of the state-run Iranian Central Oil Fields Company stated that the contract had been awarded to Khatam ol-Anbiya without a tender following an order by the minister of oil to skip the usual protocols for signing oil and gas contracts. (…) In early March, trial proceedings began against more than three dozen defendants in a major bank fraud case. On March 26, GIO head Pourmohammadi asserted that there was no doubt the government had supported the Amir Mansour Aria Investment Group, the firm at the center of the scandal, in embezzling approximately three trillion tomans ($2.6 billion) through falsified letters of credit. According to domestic news reports, nonpublic trial testimony reportedly implicated current and former senior officials and members of parliament in the corruption. On July 30, judiciary spokesman Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Ejei announced that four people were sentenced to death in the case, including Amir Mansour Khosravi, the majority owner of Amir Mansour Aria. Khosravi was also required to reimburse 2.85 trillion tomans ($2.32 billion) to banks and to pay a fine. The court sentenced four other defendants to life imprisonment and another 31 defendants to up to 25 years in prison.” http://www.protectingeducation.org/sites/default/files/documents/hr_report_2.pdf

Human Rights and Democracy for Iran: “Iran Democratic Front’s Protest Letter to President Ahmadi Nejad. Mr. Ahmadinejad, we, like the majority of the Iranian people, did not participate in the election on May 24, 2005. We did not vote for you, because in the Islamic Republic, no elections are free and fair. The reality is that no independent monitors observe the election process. Even your main rival, Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, who sees himself as the true heir of the regime, protested the lack of fairness in the election. Therefore, one must accept the fact that you were elected in an undemocratic process thanks to the support of Basij [paramilitary group], followers of the Leader, and a military faction. After the elections, you appointed many of the Revolutionary Guards’ commanders to critical positions to express gratitude to those military and paramilitary groups for filling the ballot boxes for you (…)you don’t even tolerate the idea that international organizations supervise your unfree and unfair elections, and you accuse anyone suggesting it of being a xenophile and a coward (…) We have been victims of the regime’s security-oriented scrutiny with regard to independent and free organizations and parties. (…) The Islamic Republic has adopted elections in form but has corrupted their content. (…) the most important positions, leadership, presidency, and membership in the Assembly of Experts are exclusively the prerogative of a few and the public’s only right is to vote for them. In the case of the leader, people are even deprived of their voting right, because the leader is chosen only by the members of the Assembly of Experts for life. Aren’t the ruling Islamists in Iran making a mockery of the people’s vote and distorting the nature of democracy? (…) Anyone who knows about the candidates’ vetting process knows about its incompatibility with people’s sovereignty and democracy. In Iran, nobody has the right to become a candidate for president or the Assembly of Experts unless approved by the Guardian Council and the Interior Ministry. The condition for their approval is accepting the absolute guardianship of the Islamic Jurist. The fact is that one man holds absolute power and his will is above the law. Therefore, neither ordinary people nor anyone among the political figures, dissidents, and the opposition can run for elections in Iran. Even among the ruling factions, only those supported by the Leader, the Guardian Council ( …) will ultimately win the elections.” https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/511/iran-democratic-fronts-protest-letter-to-president-ahmadi-nejad

Iran Human Rights Documentation Center: “Since the 1979 revolution, the presidential election process in Iran has developed into a system that is tightly controlled by the Guardian Council. This development has been accompanied by repeated allegations of fraud. However, the breadth of fraud allegations following the 2009 election was unprecedented and led to massive protests by voters. The government brutally suppressed the demonstrations, arrested thousands, killed many, and forced countless prisoners to confess to alleged crimes involving national security and fomenting a velvet revolution. (…) The Guardian Council is charged under Article 99 of the Constitution with supervision of elections. In 1991-92, the Council interpreted Article 99 to mean that it had supreme and all-inclusive authority over elections. Thus, the Council had the power to disqualify any candidate it considered unfit. (…) However, even before Election Day, the Mousavi and Karroubi campaign offices publically warned of election fraud. On June 9, the campaigns wrote letters to the Guardian Council and released statements warning of irregularities in the preparations for the election by both the Ministry of the Interior and the Guardian Council.[89] (…) There were reports of irregularities. For example, one witness reported that two weeks before the elections, in a village in Azerbaijan province, representatives of Ahmadinejad distributed money to families equivalent to $50 per head. They promised the villagers that payments would continue if Ahmadinejad were reelected. (…) A high number of districts showed more votes than registered voters. (…) Street protests broke out immediately after the early Saturday announcement by Iran’s Election Commission Chief, Kamran Daneshjoo, that Ahmadinejad was winning by a large margin. (…) Hundreds were arrested and several were killed at demonstrations on December 27 (…) Witnesses saw security forces engage in brutal acts of violence.”[90]


Human Rights and Democracy for Iran: “Iran: resolution on human rights violations. FIDH, August 2, 2013. (…) Elections are open only to hand-picked candidates under highly discriminatory legislation; hundreds of candidates have been barred from standing in elections; Women have not been permitted to stand in presidential elections; In the wake of the millions-strong demonstrations in 2009, thousands of people who protested vote-riggings were arrested, tortured, and imprisoned; several lost their lives in detention centres and the perpetrators enjoy impunity; Two 2009 presidential candidates, former Prime Minister Mir Hossein Mousavi and former parliament speaker Mehdi Karroubi, as well as Mr. Mousavi’s wife Ms. Zahra Rahnavard, have been under house arrest since February 2011.”   https://www.iranrights.org/library/document/2416/iran-resolution-on-human-rights-violations





Kellan Howell (The Washington Times): “several women in the Iranian city of Isfahan were severely burned in acid attacks. The women were rumored to have been targeted for not being properly veiled. (…) According to Amnesty International, Iran may have executed as many as 77 minors over the past 10 years for crimes committed before the age of 18, a violation of international human rights laws. (…) even though Iran has signed the Convention on the Rights of the Child, an international human rights treaty that prohibits capital punishment for those younger than 18, Iranian officials say any provision that contradicts Shariah law is null and void in the country, allowing the courts to continue to carry out executions. (…) Immigrant children, especially girls, are more vulnerable to being caught up in the sex trade because Tehran does little to aid unaccompanied minors, and in many cases those children traveling from Afghanistan looking for work are severely abused in detention centers. (…) a law enacted in 2013 allows Iranian men to marry their adopted daughters, a move that critics say legalizes pedophilia.” http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2015/jun/28/iran-human-rights-abuses-of-women-children-worsen-/?page=all


UN General Assembly, Situation of Human Rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran: “The Special Rapporteur is also deeply disturbed by amendments to article 27 of the Custodianship Bill currently under review in the Parliament (Majles) that would allow a custodian to marry his adopted child if it is deemed to be “in the best interest of the child”. This amendment would seemingly serve to undermine the welfare of the girl child who is forced to marry her legal guardian. In a June 2013 communication with the Special Rapporteur, the Organization for Defending Victims of Violence, which describes itself as a non-governmental, non-profit, non-political organization in the Islamic Republic of Iran, reported that under Iranian law, no legal relations, as in the case of a natural child, is established between the adopter and the adoptee, so therefore, under religious jurisprudence and legally, there are no obstacles in the way of marriage. In addition, the Special Rapporteur notes that another amendment to the bill, which would allow for inter-faith adoption to take place in the event that applicants from a non-Muslim child’s own religion were unavailable, was struck, potentially undermining articles 2 and 3 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, in which discrimination against children is prohibited and actions taken by social welfare institutions are required to be in the best interests of the child” https://www.iranrights.org/attachments/library/doc_73.pdf

Rights of the Child in Iran: “Iran’s legal and policy framework results in grave violations of the rights to life and survival of children in violation of Article 6 of the Convention. Among the most acute dangers posed to the right to life is Iran’s ongoing practice of executing child offenders, covered below in section 148, and the prevalence of landmines in the county’s western provinces, covered in section 116. (…) As such, when the perpetrator of a violent crime —or a killing— is a family member of the victim, qisas can create a climate of impunity. For example, Iran has seen a number of “honor killings” of mostly girls by their male family members.[91] (…) Iranian children and adolescents who are or are perceived to be lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender (LGBT) face multiple forms of legal and social discrimination stemming from widespread social stigma against homosexuality and trans identities, and perpetuated through Penal Code provisions that criminalize same-sex sexual acts. Discrimination leaves LGBT children vulnerable to criminal prosecution, torture, execution, physical or sexual abuse by the State and non-state actors, and severely interferes with their ability to enjoy their human rights fully, including the right to education. Legal and social discrimination also greatly impact the rights of all children and adolescents to access information about a diversity of sexual orientations and gender identities.”[92]


International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran: “According to Iranian law, employing children under the age of 15 is illegal. However, increasing manufacturing costs and the high inflation rate have led owners of small industries to seek cheaper labor, often resorting to child workers. Though Iranian law does allow for special employment circumstances for children between the ages of 15 to 18, these regulations are largely ignored. (…) Economic difficulties and the increased cost of education have resulted in large numbers of children entering the Iranian labor force. Child laborers are mostly employed in workshops with fewer than 10 employees, many of which are not covered by labor laws and have no oversight. No government organization takes responsibility for working children, and the Ministry of Labor does not consider them laborers, leaving them vulnerable and without government protection.”[93]


United Nations General Assembly, September 13, 2012: “The Convention on the Rights of the Child forbids executions of juveniles, life imprisonment and the mixing of children with adults in prison. A number of recommendations in the universal periodic review also called upon the Islamic Republic of Iran to abolish capital punishment in juvenile cases. Article 146 of the new Penal Code states that “immature children have no criminal responsibility”, while article 90 limits culpability to those that understand the nature of their crimes, and, if this standard is not met, juveniles may still be subject to the death penalty under Iranian law. (…) 70 children that had not committed any crime lived in prisons because their mothers were imprisoned. (…) In addition to being deprived of childhood experiences, these children are also exposed to poor prison conditions, including poor hygiene and malnutrition, which drastically impair their physical, emotional and cognitive development and place them at a serious disadvantage when they are released with their parent. It was also reported that no special measures were taken by authorities to shield these children from violence. In an interview for this report, a journalist reported that a 3-year-old child was raped by a female detainee during her detention, and that although the authorities were made aware of the situation no investigation was conducted.[94] (…) Other reports maintain that infants and children are sometimes used to increase pressure on mothers, or to punish criticism of the Government. For example, several detainees reported that they could hear the screams of a mother and her infant during a female detainee’s interrogation. The mother was allegedly prevented from feeding her infant until she cooperated with the authorities, who wanted to know the whereabouts of her husband. Another interviewee reported to the Special Rapporteur that beatings and other forms of mistreatment rendered her incapable of nursing her son, and that at one point she was rendered unconscious for three days and does not know who took care of her son, or if and what he was fed. (…) Some statistics indicate that in June and July 2012 more than 75 girls under 10 were forced to marry much older men.[95]https://www.iranrights.org/attachments/library/doc_175.pdf

Human Rights Activists in Iran: “The government of Iran does not consider living standards for children’s growth and development. The number of kids leaving school and working in hard and hazardous conditions has continued (…) In the category of violations of children’s rights, a total of 59 cases reported by the center of statistics and publication of human rights activists in Iran that included 13 cases of child abuse, sexual harassment; 1,702,003 children economic activities; 3039 cases of deprived of education; 5 children murderers; and 4 cases of malnutrition. (…) There have been 45 violations of current human rights conventions. These cases are extracted from a total of 58 reports concerning the violations of 1,707,075 children rights. (…) One of the most controversial sections of these report are the news about the physical punishment of students in a number of schools. Some of these punishments were so intense that even caused some of the children to be transferred to health centers and operation rooms in hospitals. Other cases in this category include food poisoning of students in school after drinking contaminated milk as well as injury of some of the students when a school wall collapsed in Karaj. (…) Other cases of violations of children rights in 2014 include 40 cases of children punishments per day; children being deprived of education in the rural areas; the lack of healthy and standard conditions including air conditioning system for the students in schools; the difficult situation of migrant children, in particular Afghan children; drug addiction (reported to be 1% of Iranian students); kids being murdered by addicted parents; high number of homeless kids 40% of whom are HIV positive; children trafficking.”[96]





February 26, 2015 Statement before the U.S. House of Representative Committee on Foreign Affairs by Shayan Arya, The Constitutionalist Party of Iran: “It is truly an honor to appear before you today to discuss the human rights situation in Iran under the Islamic regime and the nature of the terrorist regime in Iran. It is an important issue that has unfortunately been overlooked by the international community in light of current negotiations between Iran and the P5+1 since the election of Hassan Rouhani as president of Iran in 2013. (…) Following China, Iran currently has the highest number of executions in the world[97] (…), and since Rouhani’s election there has not been a reduction in these statistics. To the contrary, there has been a significant increase. (…) Human Rights activists in Iran put the total number of executions for 2013 and 2014 at 1181 people.[98] (…) The execution of juveniles is not the only crime committed by the Islamic Republic. The Iranian regime systematically tries to brainwash it’s children. In 2007, the Institute for Monitoring Peace and Cultural Tolerance in School Education, IMPACT-se, a remarkable research institute that I have had the honor of cooperating with briefly, published a detailed and thorough study of Iranian school curriculums. It concluded that the Islamic Republic uses schoolbooks to systematically indoctrinate children and to prepare them for war against America and other non-believers. It furthermore found that Iran’s school curriculum systematically encourages a hostile attitude towards non-Muslims, with children instructed to not to take unbelievers, Jews and Christians as friends.[99] (…) Iran is demographically a very young country. Approximately 70 to 75 percent of Iran’s population is under the age of 40. This means thatnearly 60 million Iranians have gone through Iran’s educational system and have been exposed to this systematic brainwashing. Fortunately, it can be said that this effort has failed; the overwhelming majority of Iranian youth are anti-regime and have a positive views of America. However, the Islamic Republic does not need to be 100% successful to pose a grave danger. Even a very small percentage of school age children successfully indoctrinated translate into tens or even hundreds of thousands of radicals who are brainwashed to view America and adherents of religions other than Islam as enemies. (…) To understand Mr. Rouhani’s relationship to the state, it is necessary to review his background. Iran’s new president has been a member of Islamic regime’s leadership for the past 36 years.(…) Rouhani has been the representative of the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei (…) These dates are important, since they make clear that Mr. Rouhani has been an integral part of every aggressive move the Islamic Republic has made since 1982. (…) These include the 1982 decision to continue the conflict with Iraq for another six years at the cost of hundreds of thousands of Iranian lives; the establishment of a base in the Syrian controlled Bekaa Valley the same year, and the subsequent creation and training of proxy terror group Hezbollah; the 1983 attacks on U.S. and French military forces in Lebanon; the assassination of nearly 200 Iranian dissidents and prominent opposition leaders during the 1980s and 1990s, The 1994 AMIA bombing in Buenos Aires, and more recently, the Iranian asymmetric campaigns targeting U.S. and Coalition soldiers in both Afghanistan and Iraq.” http://docs.house.gov/meetings/FA/FA16/20150226/103068/HHRG-114-FA16-Wstate-AryaS-20150226.pdf

Farid Hekmat: “Often identified as an act of terrorism, the AMIA bombing should also be viewed as a crime against humanity. Though crimes against humanity are usually associated with armed conflicts, they are an essential component of evolving standards of behavior, as recognized by international law. (…) In targeting innocent civilians abroad with mass violence, the leadership of the Islamic Republic has shown that its consistent and utter disregard for international human rights law is not limited to Iran and knows no borders. (…) The Islamic Republic’s decision to strike at a Jewish target in Argentina was motivated by a number of factors, political and otherwise. Among these were Iranian anger at Argentina’s decision to cut off nuclear cooperation and Argentina’s reorientation of its relations with the West (the United States in particular), and a sense of impunity that resulted from the Argentine government’s ineffectual response to the 1992 Israeli embassy bombing. (…) Additionally, Argentina’s decision to end cooperation with Syria on a missile program encouraged Hafez al-Assad to remove Argentina from the list of countries that were off-limits to Hezbollah, allowing the latter’s participation. (…) Iran and Hezbollah carried out their first attack in Argentina against a Jewish institution in 1992. On March 27 of that year, a suicide truck bomb leveled the Israeli embassy in Buenos Aires. (…) Twenty-nine persons were killed and 242 injured in the blast. Until the AMIA bombing, it was the worst attack ever perpetrated on Argentine soil. It remains the deadliest assault on an Israeli foreign mission. Afterwards, Israel sent agents to Argentina to help search for clues but the investigation floundered.[100] (…) The use of violence by the Islamic Republic does not always portend imminent hostilities or even an impasse in dialogue; it may simply be a means to ratchet the pressure and secure more concessions. This is illustrated by Iran’s role in a series of bombings that took place in France in the fall of 1986. (…) By charting the historical developments of crimes against humanity and applying the current and accepted definition of the term, there can be no doubt that the AMIA bombing was a crime against humanity. (…) The AMIA bombing plainly fulfills the first and third conditions of the Rome Statute. It was an act of murder that resulted in the deaths of 85 individuals. Furthermore, there can be no doubt that the killings were intentional, as the use of explosives on a large, inhabited building can have no other intent. The building’s status as a civilian target is also not in question. Buenos Aires was not in a zone of armed conflict at the time and the AMIA offices were not affiliated with any military, intelligence, or law enforcement services. (…) The AMIA bombing presents a clear case of state responsibility. The selection of AMIA was not in the hands of Hezbollah operatives or others who were not Iranian officials. Rather, the decision was made at the highest levels of the Islamic Republic. Those involved in the actual bombing were doing so under specific instructions and received assistance from official channels. (…) The operation was not the work of an individual or rogue group of officials acting alone. It was the product of meticulous planning and logistics, approved at the highest reaches of the Iranian government. Significant sums of money and detailed coordination would have been necessary. Forged passports, travel documents, intelligence reports, and contacts with ex-military or police personnel (essential to procuring explosives) all point to the resources only available to states. As such, this was the logical culmination of state policy, not a haphazard venture orchestrated by low-level operatives. (…) Planned at the highest levels of the Iranian government while using operatives from Hezbollah and taking advantage of the diplomatic privileges and immunities in Buenos Aires, the AMIA operation was unmistakably an act of state. Though the investigation has been burdened by incompetence, corruption, and the passage of too much time, it is essential not to lose sight of the central issue in the case. The Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic and his highest officials personally ordered the bombing of a civilian building that resulted in the death and injury of 236 persons.”[101]


Yan Maitri-Shi: In this video it can be seen the evidence that Iran condemns terrorism as a violation of human rights. In this way, any proof that Iran government is sponsoring terrorism demonstrates that such thing is a deep human rights violation of said country. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yBGqJV80VOg


Time: “final report by a bipartisan commission on the origins of the 9/11 attacks will contain new evidence of contacts between al-Qaeda and Iran (…) A senior U.S. official told TIME that the Commission has uncovered evidence suggesting that between eight and ten of the 14 “muscle” hijackers—that is, those involved in gaining control of the four 9/11 aircraft and subduing the crew and passengers—passed through Iran in the period from October 2000 to February 2001. Sources also tell TIME that Commission investigators found that Iran had a history of allowing al-Qaeda members to enter and exit Iran across the Afghan border. This practice dated back to October 2000, with Iranian officials issuing specific instructions to their border guards—in some cases not to put stamps in the passports of al-Qaeda personnel—and otherwise not harass them and to facilitate their travel across the frontier. The report does not, however, offer evidence that Iran was aware of the plans for the 9/11 attacks. (…) The senior official also told TIME that the report will note that Iranian officials approached the al-Qaeda leadership after the bombing of the USS Cole and proposed a collaborative relationship in future attacks on the U.S., but the offer was turned down by bin Laden because he did not want to alienate his supporters in Saudi Arabia. (…) al-Qaeda may have collaborated with Hezbollah and its Iranian sponsors in the 1996 bombing of the Khobar Towers, a key American military barracks in Saudi Arabia. Previously, the attack had been attributed only to Hezbollah, with Iranian support. A U.S. indictment of bin Laden filed in 1998 for the bombing of U.S. embassies in Africa said al-Qaeda forged alliances . . . with the government of Iran and its associated terrorist group Hezbollah for the purpose of working together against their perceived common enemies in the West, particularly the United States.” http://content.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,664967,00.html#ixzz26yhq00L7


Foreign Affairs: “Virtually unnoticed, since late 2001, Iran has held some of al Qaeda’s most senior leaders. Several of these operatives, such as Yasin al-Suri, an al Qaeda facilitator, have moved recruits and money from the Middle East to central al Qaeda in Pakistan. (…) Perhaps more disturbing, Iran appears willing to expand its limited relationship with al Qaeda. Just as with its other surrogate, Hezbollah, the country could turn to al Qaeda to mount a retaliation to any U.S. or Israeli attack.” https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/iran/2012-01-29/al-qaeda-iran


ELI LAKE (Sun New York): “One of two known Al Qaeda leadership councils meets regularly in eastern Iran, where the American intelligence community believes dozens of senior Al Qaeda leaders have reconstituted a good part of the terror conglomerate’s senior leadership structure. (…) A senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and Iran expert, Vali Nasr, said he did not know that the Shura Majlis had reconstituted in eastern Iran, but he did say his Iranian contacts had confirmed recent NATO intelligence that Iran had begun shipping arms to Al Qaeda’s old Afghan hosts, the Taliban in Afghanistan. (…) The link between Iran and Al Qaeda is not new, in some cases. The bipartisan September 11 commission report, for example, concluded: There is strong evidence that Iran facilitated the transit of Al Qaeda members into and out of Afghanistan before 9/11, and that some of these were future 9/11 hijackers. (…) According to the commission, a senior Al Qaeda coordinator, Ramzi bin al-Shibh, said eight of the September 11 hijackers went through Iran on their way to and from Afghanistan.” http://www.nysun.com/foreign/iran-is-found-to-be-a-lair-of-al-qaeda/58507/


US Bureau of Counterterrorism – Country Reports on Terrorism: “Designated as a State Sponsor of Terrorism in 1984, Iran continued its terrorist-related activity in 2014, including support for Palestinian terrorist groups in Gaza, Lebanese Hizballah, and various groups in Iraq and throughout the Middle East. This year, Iran increased its assistance to Iraqi Shia militias, one of which is a designated Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO), in response to the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) incursion into Iraq, and has continued to support other militia groups in the region. Iran also attempted to smuggle weapons to Palestinian terrorist groups in Gaza. While its main effort focused on supporting goals in the Middle East, particularly in Syria, Iran and its proxies also continued subtle efforts at growing influence elsewhere including in Africa, Asia, and, to a lesser extent, Latin America. Iran used the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force (IRGC-QF) to implement foreign policy goals, provide cover for intelligence operations, and create instability in the Middle East. The IRGC-QF is the regime’s primary mechanism for cultivating and supporting terrorists abroad. (…) In 2014, Iran continued to provide arms, financing, training, and the facilitation of primarily Iraqi Shia and Afghan fighters to support the Asad regime’s brutal crackdown that has resulted in the deaths of at least 191,000 people in Syria, according to August UN estimates. Iran publicly admits to sending members of the IRGC to Syria in an advisory role. There is consistent media reporting that some of these troops are IRGC-QF members and that they have taken part in direct combat operations. While Tehran has denied that IRGC-QF personnel participate in combat operations, in 2014 it acknowledged the deaths in Syria of two senior officers (Brigadier Generals Abdullah Eskandari and Jamar Dariswali). Tehran claimed they were volunteers who lost their lives while protecting holy shrines near Damascus. (…) Iran has historically provided weapons, training, and funding to Hamas and other Palestinian terrorist groups, including Palestine Islamic Jihad (PIJ) and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command (PFLP-GC). These Palestinian terrorist groups have been behind a number of deaths from attacks originating in Gaza and the West Bank. Although Hamas’s ties to Tehran have been strained due to the Syrian civil war, in a November 25 speech, Supreme Leader Khamenei highlighted Iran’s military support to Palestinian brothers in Gaza and called for the West Bank to be similarly armed. In December, Hamas Deputy Leader Moussa Abu Marzouk announced bilateral relations with Iran and Hamas were back on track. (…) In March, Israeli naval forces boarded the Klos C cargo ship in the Red Sea off the coast of Sudan. On board, they found 40 M-302 rockets, 180 mortars, and approximately 400,000 rounds of ammunition hidden within crates of cement labeled “Made in Iran” and believed to be destined to militants in the region. (…) Since the end of the 2006 Israeli-Hizballah conflict, Iran has also assisted in rearming Lebanese Hizballah, in direct violation of UNSCR 1701. General Amir Ali Hajizadeh, head of the IRGC Aerospace Force stated in November that “The IRGC and Hezbollah are a single apparatus jointed together,” and Lebanese Hizballah Deputy Secretary General Naim Qassem boasted that Iran had provided his organization with missiles that had “pinpoint accuracy” in separate November public remarks. Iran has provided hundreds of millions of dollars in support of Lebanese Hizballah in Lebanon and has trained thousands of its fighters at camps in Iran. These trained fighters have used these skills in direct support of the Asad regime in Syria and, to a lesser extent, in support of operations against ISIL in Iraq. They have also continued to carry out attacks along the Lebanese border with Israel.” http://www.state.gov/j/ct/rls/crt/2014/239410.htm


Jewish Virtual Library – States Sponsors of Terrorism – Iran: “Iran continued to provide support ­including money, weapons, and training ­to a variety of terrorist groups, such as Hizballah, HAMAS, and the Palestine Islamic Jihad (PIJ). (…) During a routine customs inspection of an Iranian vessel in Antwerp in March, Belgian authorities discovered a disassembled mortar­like weapon hidden in a shipment of pickles. The shipment was consigned to an Iranian merchant living in Germany. Iranian dissidents claim that the mortar was intended for use in an assassination attempt against Iranian exiles in Europe. (…) In addition, Iran provides safehaven to elements of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), a Turkish separatist group that has conducted numerous terrorist attacks in Turkey and throughout Europe. (…) Iran’s terrorist network in the Persian Gulf remained active in 1996. The Government of Bahrain announced in June the discovery of a local Hizballah group of Bahraini Shiites who had been trained and sponsored by Iran in an effort to overthrow the ruling al­Khalifa family.” http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Terrorism/State_Sponsors_of_Terrorism-Iran.html


News article from the Free Beacon: “The North Korean and Iranian governments have been found guilty in a U.S. court of providing critical support and funding for a terrorist group that murdered and injured several Americans in 2006, according to court documents obtained by the Washington Free Beacon. (…) The district court determined that both North Korea and Iran are liable for the deaths as a result of their support for Hezbollah and its continued attacks against Israel, according to the opinion. (…) Detailed evidence presented in the documents show how Iran and North Korea have established a complex terror network that has greatly bolstered Hezbollah’s military prowess and provided it with the arms and technology needed to attack Israeli citizens and others (…) The court held that both Iran and North Korea “assisted Hezbollah” by funding its terror operation. (… ) many of the sophisticated M-600 rockets used by Hezbollah to strike deep into the populated Israeli towns were jointly supplied by Iran and North Korea, according to the court documents.” http://freebeacon.com/national-security/u-s-court-finds-north-korea-iran-guilty-of-terror-attacks/


Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights: “Se deja constancia que en el caso Argentina 10-2015 se ha encontrado Responsable al Presidente Cristina Fernández de Kirchner por el crimen de Encubrimiento de Atentados Terroristas que fueron causados por el gobierno de Irán en Argentina, encubrimiento que fue denunciado penalmente y públicamente por el Fiscal Nisman, quien cuatro días después fue asesinado como represalia gubernamental.”

Walter Goobar, journalist: “Encubrimientos y errores voluntarios plagaron la causa AMIA de pistas falsas. Sin embargo, existen decenas de evidencias políticas, diplomáticas y periodísticas sobre la responsabilidad de Irán y Hezbollah tanto en el atentado contra la mutual judía como en el que voló la Embajada de Israel en Argentina. (…) quienes desestiman la acusación del fiscal Alberto Nisman argumentando que se basa exclusivamente en fuentes de inteligencia, no se han tomado el trabajo de leer el exhaustivo análisis de más de 800 páginas en las que jueces y fiscales probos de Francia, Suiza y Alemania establecieron la responsabilidad de Irán en atentados similares perpetrados en esos países. (…) Un informe confidencial redactado por un influyente parlamentario iraní, indicaba que la Argentina “presentaba un campo tan propicio como Argelia para propagar el fundamentalismo”. (…) “Israel debe desaparecer de la faz de la Tierra”, declaró el clerigo iraní Moshen Rabbani durante un acto organizado por los Hermanos Musulmanes en el primer piso de la confitería El Molino, Rivadavia y Callao, el 11 de abril de 1991. En el salón no había más de 150 personas, incluyendo un nutrido grupo de comerciantes y fabricantes textiles que tienen sus negocios en el Once.  (…) El video de ese acto muestra un salón estaba adornado con inmensos retratos del ayatola Jomeini, enmarcado por una bandera de guerra argentina y otra iraní. El discurso de Rabbani –que cuatro meses antes del atentado a la AMIA obtuvo estatus diplomático- despertó los aplausos de la audiencia: “Irán, a través de Hezbollah, está haciendo su aporte a la revolución islámica mundial y al pueblo palestino”. Entre los asistentes al acto se encontraba la plana mayor del cuerpo diplomático iraní, el historiador peronista Fermín Chávez, Hector Villalón -un extraño personaje del peronismo ultraortodoxo con estrechos vínculos entre los círculos del poder en Teherán-, un grupo de ex-Montoneros que combatieron en el Líbano y conservan sus vinculaciones con el chiismo, y una docena de carapintadas entre los que se contaban varios expertos en explosivos que viajaron reiteradamente a Teherán. (…) Tanto en Teherán como en Beirut la Argentina era considerada un país extraño, lleno de judíos y con un presidente descendiente y a la vez traidor de la causa árabe. Lo más llamativo, sin embargo, era la denominación que figuraba en los correos reservados de la Cancillería iraní, donde se calificaba a la Argentina como “la segunda Israel” porque “es un territorio de sionistas”. (…) El viernes 20 de marzo de 1992 el semanario libanés Al-Ahd, editado por Hezbollah, publicó la reivindicación del atentado contra la Embajada de Israel en Buenos Aires hecha por la Jihad Islámica dos días antes, así como la desmentida efectuada al día siguiente a través de un llamado telefónico. El editorialista del periódico escribió: “Los sionistas están bebiendo de la misma copa amarga de la que obligaron a beber en el pasado a un pueblo oprimido. ¿Cómo podrían los oprimidos dejar de regocijarse en el fondo de su corazón frente a este evento?” (…) El 21 de marzo de l992, mediante un video de 90 segundos sin sonido tomado desde un vehículo que mostraba el frente de la Embajada de Israel, Hezbollah autenticaba el atentado con este nuevo comunicado entregado a la televisión libanesa. El texto de la reivindicación habla por sí mismo: “La operación del mártir (Niño Hussain) es un regalo para los mártires y los creyentes. Los fragmentos de su cuerpo, esparcidos por todos lados nos enorgullecen. Junto a ellos estalló el fuerte Jaibar argentino, y lo dejó destruido. También tembló el mundo sionista y lo llenó de miedo (…) Siempre vamos a estar esperándolos. La guerra está declarada y vamos a seguir atacando y no vamos a ceder. Seguimos … Hasta la exterminación de Israel. Organización Jihad Islámica- Marzo l992, Mes de Ramadán”.- (…) Irán también reivindicó aquel atentado. Dos días después de la explosión en la calle Arroyo, el líder de Hezbollah, jeque Hassan Nasrallah, recibió una cálida recepción en el Parlamento iraní y el presidente del legislativo ayatola Mehdi Karubi advirtió que “Israel sufrirá constantes golpes de venganza en distintas partes del mundo”.  (…) El 20 de marzo de 1992 el ayatola Meshkeni, iba a pronunciar el sermón de los viernes. Por ser uno de los sacerdotes de más alto rango en Irán y allegado al líder espiritual Ali Jamenei, la palabra de Meshkeni tendría un carácter decisivo para comprobar la autoría del atentado. Meshkeni, se refirió entonces al atentado contra la embajada de Israel en Argentina (aunque equivocadamente mencionó a Chile): “Otro punto que debe ser mencionado se refiere a las victorias de los palestinos oprimidos en varias partes del mundo en los últimos días. Ellos volaron la embajada de Israel en Chile (en lugar de Argentina) que está situada en el punto más alejado de Sud América matando a por lo menos 24 personas e hiriendo a 223. El centro de la cuestión es que el caballero responsable de esta acción -por quien yo me saco el sombrero, porque algunas veces una sola persona se convierte en motivo de orgullo para toda una nación- dijo que esto era el equivalente a la bomba que mató a Sayyid Abbas Mussawi. Esta fue una acción de represalia, y todavía no es suficiente: habrán muchas más. (…) El 18 de julio de 1994, a pocos minutos del atentado, el carapintada y experto en explosivos Jorge Pacífico aparece en tres videos conversando con un policía en actitud de evaluar los daños. Pacífico dice que estaba en un bar de Pasteur y Corrientes porque iba a encontrarse con el apoderado nacional del MODIN, Enrique Rodríguez Day, para comprar un BMW usado que se exhibía por allí. Otra casualidad llamativa es que junto a Pacífico estaba Miguel Angel Burgos, otro carapintada que condujo una camioneta Dahiatsu camuflada como ambulancia que estuvo frente al edificio de Pasteur apenas unos minutos después de la explosión. El vehículo utilizado en las campañas electorales del MODIN, se llevó una persona herida que no ha podido ser identificada. (…) Sobre un total de 93 estudiantes iraníes -que en su mayoría cursaban las carreras de Ciencias Económicas y Medicina en la Universidad Nacional de Buenos Aires (UBA)-, cuatro desaparecieron inexplicablemente después del atentado consumado con un coche-bomba que partió del estacionamiento ubicado precisamente frente a esas facultades.” http://www.waltergoobar.com.ar/notices/view/118/doce-pruebas-que-apuntan-a-iran.html


Diario Panorama: “El fiscal federal Eduardo Taiano imputó hoy al ex canciller Héctor Timerman para que sea investigado por haber reconocido en una conversación telefónica que el atentado a la AMIA fue cometido por Irán. (…) Radio Mitre reveló días atrás una conversación telefónica que tuvo en 2012 con el ex titular de la AMIA Guillermo Borger en la que reconocía que Irán había sido el autor del atentado a la mutual judía, ocurrida en julio de 1994 y que provocó la muerte de 85 personas.” http://www.diariopanorama.com/seccion/pais_16/timerman-fue-imputado-por-reconocer-que-iran-realiza-el-atentado-a-la-amia_a_214036


Alberto Nisman, fiscal en la causa AMIA: “¿A usted no le parece sólido que alguien que jamás disimuló su apego al Islam más radical, su apoyo explícito al Hezbolá y su odio al pueblo judío, haya estado buscando el mismo tipo de camioneta que meses después se usaría para volar la AMIA? ¿Es esto una desafortunada casualidad? ¿Y qué hay de las explicaciones contradictorias que dio el propio Rabbani queriendo justificar esa búsqueda? Además, ¿qué importa la barba y el turbante, si después se contaría con la protección de la inmunidad? ¿Es otra casualidad que justo antes del atentado este mismo personaje haya recibido de afuera 150 mil dólares, de los cuales poco más de 90 mil fueron gastados antes de la explosión, y cerca de 40 mil en los dos meses siguientes? ¿Es también casualidad que a su gobierno se le haya ocurrido darle inmunidad diplomática justo cuatro meses antes del atentado, pese a que hacía más de diez años que estaba destinado en el país? ¿Es casualidad que menos de un mes antes del atentado se le haya ocurrido adquirir un celular? ¿Es casualidad que ese mismo celular haya sido el que operó en el lugar en el que fue estacionado el coche bomba, ese mismo día, menos de veinte minutos después de finalizada la maniobra, llamando a su mezquita? ¿O que, menos de una hora después y desde un locutorio cercano a la mezquita se llamara al celular de Foz de Iguazú que usó el coordinador del grupo operativo? (…) La utilización de los correos diplomáticos era uno de los métodos más seguros para intercambiar información y/o material sensible sin riesgo a ser detectados. Aquí tiene otra “casualidad” más: justo 45 días antes del hecho entran a la Argentina un montón de correos diplomáticos, todos ellos vinculados de alguna manera al aparato de inteligencia iraní. Nuestra Cancillería hizo saber que no había ninguna razón oficial que justificara semejante flujo. El propio subdirector de la Oficina de Ceremonial de esa época calificó ese movimiento de correos como “sensiblemente notable”. (…) la testigo que le pudo ver la cara al conductor de la Trafic, cuando les mostramos varias fotos sin decirle de quién era cada una terminó por señalar la de Berro. A todo esto hay que añadir la declaración de un arrepentido de Hezbolá en un país vecino, señalando a Berro como el suicida, y las llamadas realizadas los días 12 y 21 de julio de 1994 desde la Husseinia de Foz de Iguazú hacia el Líbano, a un abonado a nombre de una persona de apellido Berro, únicas llamadas registradas a ese abonado en todo el año ’94. Son muchas pruebas.” http://www.reconstruccion2005.com.ar/0612/iran2.htm


Diario La Capital: “El fiscal que investiga el atentado a la Amia, Alberto Nisman, ratificó que cuenta con evidencia muy sólida acerca de la “culpabilidad de Irán” en el ataque terrorista y aseguró que mantiene su “independencia” del Poder Ejecutivo.”

Alberto Nisman, fiscal en la causa AMIA: “No solo hemos encontrado pruebas por el mundo que corroboran la culpabilidad de Irán, sino que encontramos cosas que van más allá del tema Amia. La evidencia es muy sólida y hemos trabajado muchísimo en esto”, http://www.lacapital.com.ar/politica/Amia-Aseguran-que-existe-evidencia-solida-contra-Iran-20130406-0038.html


Yan Maitri-Shi: En este reportaje a la diputada nacional Elisa Carrió, Jorge Fernández Díaz, periodista y escritor, le pregunta acerca del Memorándum de Entendimiento Irán-Argentina, el cual fue firmado en 2013 por el gobierno de la República Argentina, durante el mandato de la presidente Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, y el gobierno de la República Islámica de Irán, en Addis Abeba (Etiopía), sobre los temas vinculados al ataque terrorista a la sede de la Asociación Mutual Israelita Argentina (AMIA) en Buenos Aires el 18 de julio de 1994, frente a lo cual la señora Carrió respondió, entre otras cosas, lo que se cita a continuación:

Elisa Carrió: “está claro que el objetivo de Irán, el objetivo de política exterior, era que Interpol no busque a ninguno de sus ministros a candidatos a presidente y que éstos puedan salir del país. El objetivo de Argentina no era ninguno. Ni siquiera la verdad, el objetivo de la Argentina y de algunas personas como Cristina o Moreno era tratar de lograr inversiones (…) es decir, un objetivo menor en virtud del cual la Argentina, en este caso representada por Cristina, entrega a Irán la necesidad de verdad y justicia y le otorga impunidad para siempre a esos funcionarios que incluso alguno de ellos que es candidato a presidente, podía ser presidente de Irán (…) Para que la gente pueda entender qué es Irán, y yo no tengo el prejuicio americano respecto de Irán, Irán es el Imperio Persa (…) tienen en la genética y en la historia …) miles de años de cultura y (…) es hoy un país que niega el Holocausto, que oficialmente quiere destruir a Israel, que a través de organizaciones terroristas, se llame Hezbollah, Al Qaeda, produce atentados terroristas contra la comunidad judía en todo el mundo y todos saben que el objetivo estratégico es Israel, entonces ¿cuál era la garantía que podía dar este país? Ninguna. (…) Cuando Al Qaeda, o Hezbollah, se atribuye el atentado a la embajada de Israel [en Argentina], que está al principio del expediente de la embajada, nunca investigaron hasta el año 99 por la corte, lo hace a través de AlJazeera en Beirut, y es el propio embajador en el Líbano encargado de negocios quien manda ese cable a la cancillería, de modo tal que en organizaciones terroristas islámicas no cabe hablar de países, de hecho Irán usa a estas organizaciones terroristas para atacar Israel y no ser la cabeza de la responsabilidad.” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wwuZtJfNH0s


Yan Maitri-Shi: La siguiente es una entrevista realizada al fiscal Nisman respecto de la recopilación de pruebas contra el estado de Irán a raíz de la responsabilidad de éste último en relación a los atentados ocurridos en la década de los ’90 contra la Asociación Mutual Israelita Argentina (AMIA) y la Embajada de Israel en Argentina:

Alberto Nisman, fiscal en la causa AMIA: “ratificamos la responsabilidad de Irán en general y de dos personajes (…) también logramos probar el marco y el contexto en que se llevó adelante el atentado a la sede de la AMIA. El atentado a la sede de la AMIA, tuvo, como todos sabemos, sus motivaciones particulares, o sea, respondió a la interrupción por parte de Argentina del suministro de material nuclear a Irán; como sanción se comete este atentado. (…) ¿Cómo comprobamos esto? Empezamos a investigar un poquito qué fue lo que ocurrió en Irán, o sea, esto acreditado empíricamente a los hechos, dijimos, vamos a ver en la teoría qué paso, y ahí es como llegamos a comprobar que en el año 1982, tres años después que triunfa la revolución islámica en Teherán, se celebra lo que se llama algo muy importante, muy conocido fue allá, el seminario de gobierno islámico ideal en Teherán, donde acuden 380 clérigos de 70 países (…) en la propia constitución iraní se establece esta exportación de la revolución que, mientras uno establezca la difusión de una cultura es absolutamente legítimo en la medida, como dijimos, en que no se recurra a métodos violentos. Ahí (…) se llega a la conclusión de que el islamismo extremo radical que se quería hacer, no estaba teniendo los resultados esperados en otros países, y es ahí donde Rabbani define a Sudamérica como una zona virgen e inexplorada para el islamismo (…) Rabbani en ese momento todavía estaba en Irán. En el año 83, once años antes del atentado, llega a Argentina. También para una infiltración cuando ni siquiera se pensaba cometer el atentado, pero se llega a esta conclusión; y se dice: la única forma de exportar la revolución, para que tenga éxito, es por medio de granadas y explosivos y ¿quién lo dice? Nada más ni nada menos que Javad Mansouri, el primer jefe de la temible guardia revolucionaria de los Pasdarans, el grupo militarizado radical de la República Islámica de Irán (…) ¿qué pasó un año después de este seminario? Justamente, en el 83, llega Moshen Rabbani a Buenos Aires (…) llega para infiltrar en Argentina, (…) y para instalar una base de inteligencia (…) cuando Hasan Nasrallah, el jefe del Hezbolá, terminó admitiendo lo que nosotros ya decíamos en ese mismo año [2006], que siempre recibieron un apoyo militar de Irán, pero que siempre habían dicho que el apoyo era político para no comprometer a Irán (…)  Hay hechos más graves todavía: en el ‘83 llega Rabbani a Argentina, Kadir se convierte en un agente de inteligencia iraní, confesado por él, o sea, todo esto que le digo no son suposiciones, son sentencias judiciales, y aparte está la confesión. Nosotros nos trajimos de Estados Unidos, de la fiscalía de allá que intervino, la del distrito de Brooklin, (…) tenemos las grabaciones que el agente infiltrado americano, después de haber descubierto todo esto, le toma a toda esta gente, porque nos han enviado una copia. (…) ¿Cómo operaba la inteligencia iraní? Fundamentalmente por lo que nosotros llamamos y demostramos, la utilización dual de las instituciones de organismos diplomáticos, asociaciones culturales de beneficencia y hasta religiosas, esto admitido inclusive por sentencias de tribunales europeos; cómo se utiliza el velo religioso para encubrir actividades delictivas”  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qudqYwRYNo8


Video of The Jerusalem Center: “For more than a decade, the Argentinian government and the judge in charge covered up the investigation about the 1994 AMIA bombing in Buenos Aires in which 85 persons were killed and 151 wounded. This was the deadliest bombing in Argentinian history. (…) Prosecutor Nisman reversed the investigation and caused Argentinian to be the first country to demand, through Interpol, the capture of the Iranians accused of being the perpetrators, including Iran’s then President Hashemi-Rafsanjani.” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f36IgH379uw


Diario Clarin: “el ex espía Antonio Stiuso confirmó que el ex presidente de Venezuela Hugo “Chávez intercedió ante Néstor Kirchner para que reanude la cooperación nuclear con Irán”, (…) Así esta nueva parte de su testimonio de Stiuso confirma la versión de la revista brasileña Veja que el año pasado reveló que en el 2007 el entonces presidente iraní Mahmud Ahmadinejad le pidió a Chávez en Caracas que interceda ante Néstor Kirchner para que se reanude esa cooperación, clave para el país persa que en ese momento buscaba desarrollar una bomba atómica. (…) explicó que a su criterio y del fiscal Nisman esa interrupción de los vínculos atómicos había sido el móvil del atentado. (…) [Stiuso] Explicó que Ahmadinejad estaba interesado en la tecnología argentina para producir bombas de plutonio, más modernas que las que Irán intentó hacer con uranio enriquecido.” http://www.clarin.com/politica/Stiuso-Chavez-Nestor-cooperacion-Iran_0_1533447179.html





Shayan Arya, The Constitutionalist Party of Iran, February 26, 2015 Statement before the U.S. House of Representative Committee on Foreign Affairs: “Baha’is and Christians are not the only groups who face apostasy charges under the Islamic Republic’s penal code. Even Muslims who do not conform to the official interpretation of Islam face heresy charges. (…) Even traditional Shiite clerics who reject the official interpretation of Islam are persecuted. Ayatollah Hossein Kazemeini Boroujerdi, a traditional Shiite cleric who openly and unapologetically questions the legitimacy of the Islamic Republic and advocates a secular regime with a total separation of religion from the government has been imprisoned since 2007. He has been tortured repeatedly with his properties confiscated. He has not changed his views despite the enormous pressure exerted on him and his family by the regime.[102]http://docs.house.gov/meetings/FA/FA16/20150226/103068/HHRG-114-FA16-Wstate-AryaS-20150226.pdf

United States Comission on International Religious Freedom Annual Report 2015: “Dissident Shi’a cleric Ayatollah Mohammad Kazemeni Boroujerdi continued to serve an 11-year prison sentence, and the government has banned him from practicing his clerical duties and confiscated his home and belongings. He has suffered physical and mental abuse while in prison. According to an October 2014 UN report on human rights in Iran, some 150 Sunni Muslims are in prison on charges related to their beliefs and religious activities. More than 30 are on death row after having been convicted of “enmity against God” in unfair judicial proceedings. Leaders from the Sunni community have been unable to build a mosque in Tehran and have reported widespread abuses and restrictions on their religious practice, including detentions and harassment of clerics and bans on Sunni teachings in public schools. Iranian authorities have destroyed Sunni religious literature and mosques in eastern Iran.” http://www.uscirf.gov/sites/default/files/Iran%202015.pdf

Yan Maitri-Shi: The following quote is an evidence of a letter sent to members of the Death Commission proving that Ayatollah Montazeri criticized the actions and mass executions carried out by the Islamic Revolution in Iran’s prisons in 1988 as lacking compassion and being contrary to what the Prophet Mohammed practiced.

Ayatollah Montazeri: “Look at the behavior of the Prophet and how he treated his enemies after the conquest of Mecca and the Battle of Hawazen. The Prophet showed mercy and amnesty and was given the title of “the Mercy of both worlds” by the Almighty. Look how Imam Ali treated his enemies after defeating them in the Battle of Jamal. (…) I, more than anybody, care about the prestige of His Eminence the Imam and the Supreme Leader. I do not know how things are being presented to him. All the studies we did in Islamic jurisprudence about taking caution when dealing with people’s blood and properties, were they all wrong?”[103]


Justice for Iran: “The subject of raping young women in prison and specially raping of the unmarried women were circulating as rumors, which the authorities had categorically denied, claiming that such rumors were the work of enemies of the revolution. However, later the issue was reframed by the authorities as ‘marrying’ young women a night before their execution. This new turn was presented these rapes as a religiously sanctioned action of the judiciary. (…) The reports, often spread through word of mouth, detailed the systematic rape of virgin girls before execution. It was said that according to Islamic laws, a virgin girl is considered to be innocent, and therefore upon execution she will go to heaven. Therefore the prison authorities, in order to prevent prisoners’ entry into heaven, decided to forcibly ‘marry’ (siqih) girls sentenced to execution to a pasdar (Revolutionary Guard) or other prison employee, so that they could be raped, rendering them no longer virgin, and then executed the day after.(…) Indeed accounts from interviewees below demonstrate that judicial and prison officials explicitly promoted the idea of raping virgin girls before execution, publically speaking on their ‘religious’ justifications for it. The only religious text which seems were used as a justification for raping the virgin girls prior to execution is a hadith from Prophet Mohammad, published in a few sources which said: if a virgin girls dies, she will go to heaven.[104] (…) Simin Behrouzi was imprisoned from age 16 until 22 at Shiraz’ Adel Abad prison. She remembers that the prison officials and the clerics who would come to give sermons to prisoners would repeatedly, either explicitly or indirectly, point to why raping virgin girls was ‘necessary’ (…) According to some female prisoners’ witness testimonies, the interrogators and prison officials ideologically justified the raping of female prisoners under Islamic laws dealing with ‘war captives’ that mostly stem from verses 23 and 24 of Surah An-Nisa of the Koran, which outline which women Muslim men can and cannot have sexual relations with. Verse 24 states: “Also (prohibited are) the women already bound in marriage, except the bondwomen you come to own”. (Translation of Mufti Taqi Usman)”

Hossein Ali Nayyeri, one of the individuals responsible for the mass execution of political prisoners at Evin in 1988, said to Farkhondeh Ashna, a leftist activist woman: “We were really merciful to you. Islamic Law states that an infidel is fully permissible to Muslims [to do with her as they please]. You are permissible to our brothers to do whatever they want to you but we took mercy on you…”

Testimony of Simin Behrouzi, former prisoner: “In their speeches they referred to the fact, saying that someone who has committed sin should not go to heaven. Then they would say that those who are virgins go to heaven. In fact, indirectly they were saying: “you have committed sin and are also virgins. You should not go to heaven. Therefore, we will remove the virginity from you so that you can go directly to hell”

Mojdeh Arasi, a Fadaian-e Khalq (Minority) supporter: “They wouldn’t say “we’ll do this to you”, but would make a general statement that a virgin girl will be married to a pasdar brother before execution. They never discussed raping; they called it marriage. I remember I argued with the tavvab and said, “what do you mean marriage? Marriage is when you say you love someone and he loves you and you want to be married. This isn’t marriage; it is rape!” The tavvab defended the act and said, “No it is legal. They are married and mahram; permissible to one another”.”



International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society, Vol. 15, No. 2, Winter 2001: “For a decade, A¯yatollah Hossein-‘Ali Montazeri was Khomeini’s handpicked successor as jurist-ruler. A long-time follower of Khomeini, he was one of the initial proponents of including the position in the constitution. (…) In the mid-1980s, however, he began to disagree with his mentor, Khomeini—specifically over the execution of a relative of Montazeri’s, and more generally over the direction in which the Islamic Republic was being taken. (…) before his death in 1989, Khomeini asked for Montazeri’s resignation as successor, and replaced him with Khamene’i. Under Khamene’i’s leadership, Montazeri continued his public complaints, leading to a brief arrest in 1993. In November 1997, after the presidential elections that brought a new set of faces into the government on a reform platform, Montazeri gave a lecture in Qom that urged the jurist-ruler and his allies to leave the reformists alone (…) Supporters of Khamene’i ransacked Montazeri’s seminary the following week. Khamene’i threatened to have him executed for treason, but settled for house arrest. The following year, three of Montazeri’s followers, middle-ranking religious scholars (hojja¯t al-Isla¯m) Hadi Hashemi, Mohammad Hasan Movahedi-Savoji and Esma‘il Zamani, were also arrested in a move to stifle support for Montazeri’s critiques. (…) Hojjat al-Isla¯m Mohsen Kadivar (…) a mid-level cleric and reformist newspaper publisher, Kadivar was somewhat disappointed with the revolution’s accomplishments. In an interview with the newspaper Khorda¯d (The Sun), Kadivar assessed the revolution’s first two decades and found it significantly lacking in the realm of freedom, especially freedom to criticize the government (…) The week after the interview was published, Kadivar was summoned before the Special Clergy Court. His long defense statement, published as a book within weeks of its delivery, challenged the indictment head-on. (…) Kadivar began his defense by calling the Special Clergy Court unconstitutional, since the jurist ruler had no right to establish a court outside of the constitutionally established legal system. He then turned to answer, in painstaking detail, the charge of “propaganda activity against the regime of the Islamic Republic.” He denied that his studied opinion constituted “propaganda,” and he denied that his calls for reform of the regime could be called “against” it”.

Hossein-‘Ali Montazeri: “If two or three people sit and make all the decisions for the country, it will not progress in the contemporary world. “Republic” means “government of the people.” Of course I should mention: In the same way that people must have political parties, they must have organizations, at the time of elections they should be awake, they should choose people intelligently, insightfully, and independently. Along with all this the “rulership of the jurist” is also mentioned in our Constitution. But its meaning is not jurist-ruler as jack of all trades—that would make the “republic” meaningless. The jurist-ruler, with the conditions and responsibilities that are specified for him in the Constitution, his main responsibility—what is most important—is to supervise the affairs of society so that the policies of society do not deviate from the standards of Islam and truth. “Jurist” refers to this. (…) They [the jurist-ruler and his allies] have no right to set aside someone who is competent. Someone who is competent from a religious perspective, and also knowledgeable in political, cultural, and economic matters, who is not sycophantic, who is independent—who is like the late Modarres, who single-handedly stood up to the entire government of Reza Khan… (…) You [Khamene’i] are not of the rank and stature of a marja‘…. The Shi‘i marja‘¯ıyat was an independent spiritual authority. Do not try to break the independence of the marja‘¯ıyat and turn the seminary circles into government employees. That is harmful to the future of Islam and Shi‘ism. Whatever your supporters may claim, you give no evidence of filling the scholarly position of Ima¯m [Khomeini], may God have mercy upon him. Do not allow the sanctity and spirituality of the seminary to become mixed up with the political work of [government] agencies.”

Hojjat al-Isla¯m Mohen Sa‘idzadeh: “There’s a need for expert knowledge; thus Islam needs qualified interpreters, the Jurists, and the ‘ulama¯[religious scholars]. But the question is whether this knowledge should be in the hands of one group [clerics] or not. I say that the door of research is open to all, and their findings can be followed provided they are based on correct methods. In other words, knowledge of religious texts isn’t confined to one group.”

Hojjat al-Isla¯m Mohsen Kadivar: “If among the believers and supporters of the Islamic Revolution and the Islamic Republic there may be found two or more analyses or readings of the regime of the Islamic Republic, which differ from one another in many principles of governing society, the scientific critique of the adherents of one reading against the other reading cannot be counted as propaganda activity against the order of the Islamic Republic, because 1) scientific and scholarly critique is not propaganda activity, 2) this activity is against a specific analysis and reading of the regime of the Islamic Republic, and not against the regime of the Islamic Republic, and 3) this scientific and analytical critique seeks to reform the deviationist retractions and mistaken analyses of the regime of the Islamic Republic, and the critic himself is actively attentive to the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. …  Must all religious scholars think just like the authorities of the Special Clergy Court? Is having different perspectives with the esteemed prosecutor unbecoming to a religious scholar?”

A¯yatollah ‘Abdollah Nuri: “1. No fallible human can claim to be the only one in possession of the truth; 2. Religious knowledge is relative, and various and diverse readings of religion are entirely possible; 3. Piety, without reluctance and compulsion, will bring to pass the sublime realization of the essence of religion, that is, faith and religious experience; 4. There is no red line limiting the debate of perspectives and political problems, except that which is expressly specified and designated by the Constitution. No official is immune to criticism and questioning; 5. Iran belongs to all Iranians, and securing citizens’ fundamental rights is their divine and legal right. Dialogue among all social forces is imperative and necessary; 6. Within the framework of religious law, [civil] law, and morality, diverse ways of life are imaginable and possible. Nobody can or should, in the name of religious law, impose his way of life on others and consider it definitive; 7. Cultural rights are among the fundamental rights of citizens. Cultured persons have a variety of views and tastes. A univocal monopoly of culture is neither possible nor desirable; 8. Cultural circles are completely independent of politics. Cultured persons and their viewpoints cannot be opposed on the basis of political affiliations and tastes; 9. The legal order of society and the relations between citizens and government are based on the people’s right to rule; 10. The establishment of security and stability in society is not possible or practical without the recognition of the rights of the opposition; 11. No single group should consider the country as its own. Efforts should be made to convert even radical oppositionists into legal oppositionists; 12. The standards and criteria for debates over society and politics are the security and interests of the nation, not the security and interests of any particular group;

  1. Abrogation of freedom is the sign of a government’s weakness, not its strength; 14. The increase and deepening of respectful emotional ties among citizens, and the spread of solidarity and familiarity between the government and the people, are requisites for the stability and survival of society and government; 15. A spirit of freshness, joy, and liveliness is the secret to the health, survival, and flourishing of society; 16. Flattery and sycophancy will lead to the deterioration of humanitarian values and the destruction of the foundations of the regime. In view of this, propagation and reverence of such things as “critique and protest,” which tend to promote the legitimacy and strength of the political regime, are of urgent necessity. Based on this premise, it is the government’s duty to banish the sycophants and praise the critics, not vice versa; 17. Detente with all the states and nations of the world, based on national interests and the civilizational dialogue, is essential in all fields” [106]


International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran: “authorities have in actuality repressed many independent NGOs such as student groups and labor unions, whose work has been critical of the Iranian government and government policy. (…) In September 2009, authorities shut down the Association for the Defense of Prisoners’ Rights, which monitors the ill-treatment of detainees in Iran. On 21 September 2010, Branch 26 of the Revolutionary Court sentenced Emad Baghi, founder of the Association, to a six-year prison term and five years of “civil deprivation” on charges of “engaging in propaganda against the system” and “colluding against the security of the regime.” The basis for his conviction was an interview he conducted seven years prior with dissident cleric Grand Ayatollah Montazeri.[107] (…) In 2009 and 2010 Iran authorities cracked down on the Committee of Human Rights Reporters (CHRR) arresting at least seven of its members by means of a group arrest warrant.[108] In an attempt to pursue charges of moharebeh (enmity with God), which could carry a death sentence, Tehran’s prosecutor has made the highly unsubstantiated claim that CHRR is associated with the militant opposition group, Mojahedin Khalq Organization[109][110]








[1]  International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran,  A Human Rights Roadmap for Iran’s New President

[2]  Human Rights Activists in Iran, Human Rights Situation in Iran – Annual Report (2014-2015)

[3]  Hossein Mokhtar, Testimonial at the Conference of the Mission for Establishment of Human Rights in Iran (Sept. 1, 2002), available at http://mehr.org/Mokhtar_Testimony.htm [hereinafter Mokhtar Testimonial].

[4]  U.N. Econ. & Soc. Council [ECOSOC], Commission on Human Rights, Report by the Special Representative of the Commission on Human Rights, Report on the Human Rights Situation in the Islamic Republic of Iran, ¶ 27, A/44/620 (Nov. 2,1989) (prepared by Reynaldo Galindo Pohl), available at http://www.un.org/Docs/journal/asp/ws.asp?m=A/44/620.

[5]  Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, Deadly Fatwa: Iran’s 1988 Prison Massacre

[6]  Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, Speaking for the Dead: Survivor Accounts of Iran’s 1988 Massacre

[7]  AI Country Report 1980.

[8]  AI Report 1982 noted that in December 1981 Amnesty International knew of more than 3,800 executions since February 1979.

[9]  Amnesty International Report 1983 noted the total number of executions since the revolution through the end of 1982 as 4,605.

[10]  Amnesty International Report 1989 initially mentioned 1,200 executions. Then the AI 1990 Report raised the estimate for 1988 to 2,000. However, AI’s public statement in 2008 on the “20th anniversary of prison massacres” referred to between 4,500-5,000 executions in 1988

[11]  Human Rights Watch

[12]  FIDH quoting opposition groups

[13]  World Coalition against the Death Penalty.

[14]  Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, Deadly Fatwa: Iran’s 1988 Prison Massacre. Appendix VII: Ayatollah Montazeri’s third letter addressed to Misters Nayyeri, Eshraghi, Raissi and Pour-Mohammadi, 24/5/1367 (August 15, 1988)


[15]  AIJ-FIDH, Iraq: Continuous and Silent Ethnic Cleansing

[16]  See Thurgood, Iranian Forces Pursue Retreating Kurds, GUARDIAN, Sept. 6, 1979, at 7 (reporting 80 executions); Death in the Afternoon, ECONOMIST, Sept. 1, 1979 (reporting 68 executions), available at http://www.iranhrdc.org/english/human-rightsdocuments/3507-1979-newspapers.html.

[17]  See HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH, IRAN: FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND ASSOCIATION IN THE KURDISH REGIONS (2009), available at http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2009/01/08/iran-freedom-expression-and-association-kurdish-regions.

[18]  Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, Haunted Memories: The Islamic Republic’s Executions of Kurds in 1979

[19]  Rahim Hamid and Mehdi Hashemi, Ethnic cleansing and oppression practices of Iranian regime against Ahwazi Arab villages

[20]  Mansour Farrokhi, The Application of Universal Jurisdiction in Iranian Criminal Law

[21]  Rome Statute art. 7(1), supra note 1.

[22]  Id. art. 7(2), supra note 1. The Statute also lists other acts, not relevant to our analysis, that leading scholars contend are not prohibited by customary international law. See, e.g., CASSESE, supra note 2 at 94.

[23]  Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, Crimes Against Humanity:

The Islamic Republic’s Attacks on the Bahá’ís

[24]  The Foreign Policy Centre, Iran Human Rights Review: Religion

[25]  Friedrich W. Affolter, The Specter of Ideological Genocide: The Bahá’ís of Iran


[27]  Comunidad Internacional Baha’í, Cuestión Baha’í: Limpieza Cultural en Irán

[28]  No adequate description of the persecution of the Babi and Baha’i religions in Iran has ever been given. The events of the early Babi period are covered in works such as Amanat, 1989. Some documents relating to later persecutions can be found in Momen, 1981. See also Ghanea, 2002 and Akhavan, 1993.  Two relevant papers in Persian are: Tavakkoli-Tarqi, 2001 and Afshari, 2001. Most publications have dealt with the Baha’i persecutions in Iran as a matter of human rights violations rather than in relation to potential genocide.

[29]  Moojan Momen, The Babi and Baha’i community of Iran: a case of “suspended genocide”?


[30]  See A FAITH DENIED, supra note 16, at 48-49

[31]  See, e.g., A FAITH DENIED, supra note 16, Appendices 3-9 (detailing other official government actions taken against members of the Bahá’í community).

[32]  Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, Crimes Against Humanity: The Islamic Republic’s Attacks on the Bahá’ís

[33]  See, e.g., A FAITH DENIED, supra note 16, Appendices 3-9 (detailing other official government actions taken against members of the Bahá’í community), at page 43

[34]   http://news.bahai.org/story/1027

[35]  Comunidad Internacional Baha’í, La Cuestión Baha’í


[37]  International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, The Cost of Faith: Persecution of Christian Protestants and Converts in Iran

[38]  Human Rights Activists in Iran, Human Rights Situation in Iran – Annual Report  (2014-2015)

[39]  UN General Assembly , Situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran

[40]  www.rferl.org/content/irans_dervishes_come_under_attack_again/24318940.html; www.iranhumanrights.org/2011/09/mostafa-azmayesh/


[41]  FIDH, Iran: Suppression of freedom, prison, torture, execution…

[42]  http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/MDE13/010/2009/en/03d99921-f378-11dd-b339 21ceadf1e5ba/mde130102009eng.html

[43]  Amnesty International Annual Reports 1982 and 1983.

[44]  Pasdasht-e Haghighat (guarding the truth), a book written by Messrs Abbas Salimi Namin and Massoud Rezaei, both reputedly former officials of the Ministry of Intelligence, in response to Ayatollah Montazeri’s memoires. It can be downloaded at: http:// forum.persiantools.com/t91833-page8.html (see # 116 on the list).

[45]  Tortured Confessions: prison and public recantations in modern Iran, Chapter 5, Mass Executions of 1988, P 209, University of California Press, 1999 (For the pertaining excerpts see: http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&id=_mnrYNIVfCgC&dq=Iranian+p risons+Tortured+Confessions&printsec=frontcover&source=web&ots=np_Yb Y_yd&sig=kc8XQqgN6IqEhcVAbC0ndQrKdSI&sa= X&oi=book_result&resnum=2&ct=result#PPA209,M1).

[46]  Amnesty International annual reports.

[47]  FIDH, Iran: death penalty

[48]  Human Rights in Islamic Republic of Iran, Report 2009, Amnesty International, available at: http://amnesty.org/en/region/iran/report-2009 (accessed 8 February 2011); Human Rights in Islamic Republic of Iran, Report 2010, Amnesty International, available at: http://amnesty.org/ en/region/iran/report-2010 (accessed 8 February 2011); “Iran Uses Media Stunts in Lieu of Fair Trials,” International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, 3 February 2011, http://www.iranhumanrights.org/2011/02/iran-media-stunts-no-fair-trials/, (accessed 3 February 2011).

[49]  “More Secret Executions in Mashad: 23 Executed in October,” International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, 3 November 2010, http:// www.iranhumanrights.org/2010/11/mashad-executions-october/  (accessed 3 February 2011).

[50]  “Citizens of Nigeria and Ghana Reportedly Put to Death in Secret Group Executions Inside Iran,” International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, 11 November 2010, http://www.iranhumanrights.org/2010/11/nigeria-ghana-citizens-executed/  (accessed 3 February 2011).

[51]  Ibid.

[52]  International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran interview with Banafsheh Nayebpour, available at: “Distraught, Bahrami’s Daughter Demands: ‘How is it possible that she was executed?!’” International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, 30 January 2011, www. iranhumanrights.org/2011/01/zahra_bahrami_daughter_jan_29  (accessed 3 February 2011).

[53]  “Campaign’s UPR Submission,” International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, 14 September 2009, http://www.iranhumanrights. org/2009/09/upr-submission/ (accessed 3 February 2011).

[54]  International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran interview with Fatemeh Maleki, “Latest News About Prisoner of Conscience Mohammad Nourizad,” International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, 11 January 2011, https://www.iranhumanrights.org/2011/01/latest-news-nourizad/  (accessed 3 February 2011).

[55]  Testimony of Ebrahim Sharifi, available at: Accelerating Slide into Dictatorship, International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, 21 September 2009, http://www.iranhumanrights.org/2009/09/report09/ (accessed 3 February 2011).

[56] International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, Iran: Official Distortion and Disinformation, a Guide to Iran’s Human Rights Crisis

[57] “Letter of Prominent Prisoner of Conscience Abdollah Momeni to Ayatollah Khamenei,” International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, 9 September 2010, http://www.iranhumanrights.org/2010/09/letter-momeni-khamanei/ (accessed 4 February 2011).

[58]  Iran Human Rights, Annual Report: Death penalty in Iran 2011

[59]  http://www.redress.org/downloads/country-reports/Iran.pdf

[60]  Res. 2004/67 and 2005/59 on the Question of the Death Penalty.


[61]  See A/56/278, paras. 53–58; see also E/CN.4/2001/39, paras. 88–94

[62]  The International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran has documented several of these cases, and has conducted interviews with various victims of these attacks who request anonymity for security reasons.

[63]  Campaign interviews with activists in Iran who request anonymity for security reasons.

[64]  For example, political prisoner Issa Saharkhiz was arrested in 2009 after his cell phone was tapped.

[65]  Campaign interview with a source aware of the technology the Iranian government obtained after the 2009 election.

[66]  According to Reporters Without Borders, 20 bloggers were imprisoned in Iran in 2012, and one was killed in detention.

[67]  During the investigations immediately following the murder of Sattar Beheshti, the Police Chief Commander Ahmadi Moghaddam explicitly stated that the detention center was illegal. “The Robat Karim Detention Center or ‘Monitoring Station’ was not an approved detention center and this issue must become the subject of an investigation,” the Police Chief said, according to Khabar Online.

[68]  International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, A Human Rights Roadmap for Iran’s New President

[69]  Justice for Iran, Crime and Impunity: Sexual Torture of Women in Islamic Republic Prisons, Part I 1980’s

[70]  U.S. Committee on Foreign Affairs, One Year under Rouhani: Iran’s Abysmal Human Rights Record

[71]  Vehicles belonging to drivers with improper hijab are confiscated, Aftab, quoting Mehr News Agency, October 8, 2013.

[72]  Radio Zamaneh, quoting Kar News Agency, June 15, 2010.

[73]  Radio Zamaneh quoting Vafa News, 21 June 2012

[74]  Justice For Iran, Thirty-five Years of Forced Hijab

[75] U.N. Econ. & Soc. Council [ECOSOC], Commission on Human Rights, Report on the human rights situation in the Islamic Republic of Iran by the Special Representative of the Commission, Mr. Reynaldo Galindo Pohl, ¶ 50, U.N. Doc. E/CN.4/1987/23 (Jan. 28, 1987) [hereinafter Galindo Pohl Report 1987].

[76]  Id. ¶ 47(a).

[77]  ECOSOC, Commission on Human Rights, Report of the special Rapporteur on Violence against women, its causes and consequences, Ms. Radhika Coomaraswamy, submitted in accordance with Commission on Human Rights resolution 2000/49, communication to and from Government, ¶ 49, U.N. Doc. E/CN.4/2002/83/Add.1 (Jan. 28, 2002) [hereinafter Coomaraswamy Report], available at http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G02/104/44/PDF/G0210444.pdf

[78]  The U.N. Commission on Human Rights first appointed a special Rapporteur to “examine questions relevant to torture” in 1985. In 2008, the mandate was extended for three years. Office of the United Nations High Commissioner on Human Rights, Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment http://www2.ohchr.org/english/issues/torture/rapporteur/index.htm.

[79]  Iran Human Rights Documentation CenterSurviving Rape in Iran’s Prisons

[80]  International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans, and Intersex Association, State-Sponsored Homophobia 22 (2013) available at http://old.ilga.org/Statehomophobia/ILGA_State_Sponsored_Homophobia_2013.pdf. The other countries in which the death penalty is imposed for homosexual acts are Mauritania, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen.

[81]  Human Rights Watch, Codifying Repression 25-26 (2012), available at http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/iran0812webwcover_0.pdf

[82]  Raha Bahreini, “From Perversion to Pathology: Discourse of Gender Policing in the Islamic Republic of Iran,” (2008) 5(1) Muslim World Journal of Human Rights, 20-22, available at: <http://www.worldwewant2015.org/node/287187&gt;; Justice for Iran, “The violation of transgenders’ right to the highest attainable standard of health in the Islamic Republic of Iran” [JFI CESCR] (2013), para. 6, available at: http://justiceforiran.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/TG-written-submision.pdf ; Justice for Iran, “Iran: Disciplining bodies, diagnosing identities, Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review of Iran (20th Session)” [JFI UPR] (2014), para. 16, available at: <http://justice4iran.org/english/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/IRAN-UPR-Submission-JFI.pdf >

[83]  JFI UPR, ibid, para. 13; Bahreini, supra n.7, p. 14

[84]  JFI CESCR, supra n.7; JFI UPR, ibid, para. 13.

[85]  Vanessa Barford, “Iran’s ‘diagnosed transsexuals’” (BBC News, 25 February 2008), available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/7259057.stm ; Sasha von Oldershausen, “Iran’s sex-change operations provided nearly free of cost” (The World Post, 04 June 2012), available at:

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/06/04/iran-sex-change-operation_n_1568604.html .

[86]  Catherine Bevilacqua, Elizabeth Harper, Catherine Kent, Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity: Iran’s International Human Rights Obligations

[87]  Sayeh, a male-to-female transgender woman in her late twenties, told IRQO, “I have been arrested three times and have been disrespected in the worst ways possible… When they arrest you, some of them want to do [sexual] things with you…They first try to scare and torture you psychologically by calling you a jerk, a dirty pig, a faggot, a carrier of AIDS and a thousand other things. They try to provoke you to do something so that they can form a complaint against you based on that action. Even when you don’t do anything, they still take you to Mafased (the moral and social vice bureau of the police). They keep you there for a while. Then, they send you to court… and the judge decides on your fate… As soon as you are taken to court, every officer makes fun of you. When they are dealing with our cases, it is as if all the officers go on a break. They deal with murderers and thieves all day long and when they see an “attractive” case they want to have some fun by belittling us… All these miseries pass, and what stays are the scars that they leave on us. These psychological scars slowly transform us into abnormal humans. I frequently just start crying without any reason. I have nightmares and wake up screaming.” Sayeh ended her life by committing suicide in July 2008. Interview on file with IRQO.

[88]  IGLHRC & IRQO, Human Rights Violations on the Basis of Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity, and Homosexuality in the Islamic Republic of Iran

[89] Hushdar-i Kumitihyih Siyanat az Ara Nisbat bih Takhalufat-i Intikhabat-i [Warning of the Committee for Protection of the Votes regarding Irregularities in the Election], BBC PERSIAN, June 9, 2009, available at http://www.bbc.co.uk/persian/iran/2009/06/090609_bd_election_fraud_letter.shtml.

[90]  Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, Violent Aftermath: The 2009 Election and Suppression of Dissent in Iran

[91]  Landinfo, Honor Killings in Iran (22 May 2009), available at: http://www.landinfo.no/asset/960/1/960_1.pdf.

[92]  Joint alternative report by civil society organizations on the implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child by the Islamic Republic of Iran, Rights of the Child in Iran

[93]  International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, A Human Rights Roadmap for Iran’s New President

[94] The United Nations Rules for the Treatment of Women Prisoners and Non-custodial Measures for Women Offenders (the Bangkok Rules) stress that any decision toallow children to stay with mothers shall be based on the best interest of the child and that the environment provided for such children’s upbringing inside prisons shall be as close as possible to that of a child outside prisons. See http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/LTD/N10/561/94/PDF/ N1056194.pdf? OpenElement.

[95]  http://www.majzooban.org/en/news-and-exclusive-content/2688-iran-seeks-to-legalise-marriage-for-girls-under-10-.html; www.globalawareness101.org/2012/07/iran-iranian-parliament-seeks-to.html; www.ihrv.org/inf/?p=5051

[96]  Human Rights Activists in Iran, Annual Report, Human Rights Situation in Iran (2014-2015)

[97]  http://www.theguardian.com/news/datablog/2011/mar/29/death‐penalty‐countries‐world

[98] https://hra‐news.org/fa/wp‐content/uploads/2015/01/hra‐annual‐report‐2014‐farsi.pdf

[99] http://www.impact-se.org/research/iran/index.html

[100]  Carol Rosenberg, “Israel Vows Revenge in Embassy Bombing,” Miami Herald, 19 March 1992.

[101]  Farid Hekmat, The Islamic Republic’s Forgotten Crime Against Humanity


[103]  Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, Deadly Fatwa: Iran’s 1988 Prison Massacre. Appendix VII: Ayatollah Montazeri’s third letter addressed to Misters Nayyeri, Eshraghi, Raissi and Pour-Mohammadi, 24/5/1367 (August 15, 1988)

[104]  Abolfotouh Razi, Rozoljanan o Rouholjenan fi Tafsire Alquran, the 10th volume, Moasses Tahghighat va Nashr-e Maaref-e Ahl-e beit, P. 128.

[105]  Justice for Iran, Crime and Impunity: Sexual Torture of Women in Islamic Republic Prisons, Part 1: 1980’s

[106]  Charles Kurzman, Critics Within: Islamic Scholars’ Protests Against the Islamic State in Iran

[107]  “Ahmadinejad’s Media Blitz Unfolds as Young Activists Receive Harsh Sentences,” International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, 21 September 2010, http://www.iranhumanrights.org/2010/09/young-activists-harsh-sentences/ (accessed 3 February 2011); “Iranian rights campaigner sentenced over BBC work,” BBC News, 22 September, 2010, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-11392331 (accessed 3 February 2001);“Sentencing to prison of Mr. Emadeddin Baghi – IRN 009/ 0910 / OBS 115,” International Federation for Human Rights, 22 September, 2010, http://www.fidh.org/Sentencing-to-prison-of-Mr-Emadeddin-Baghi-IRN (accessed 3 February 2011).

[108]  “Members of Committee of Human Rights Reporters Under Pressure to Make Forced Confessions,” International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, 29 January 2010, http://www.iranhumanrights.org/2010/01/members-of-committee-of-human-rights-reporters-under-pressure-for-forced-confessions/ (accessed 4 February 2011).

[109]  “Members of Committee of Human Rights Reporters Under Pressure to Make Forced Confessions,” International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, 29 January 2010, http://www.iranhumanrights.org/2010/01/members-of-committee-of-human-rights-reporters-under-pressure-for-forced-confessions/ (accessed 7 February 2011).

[110]  International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, Iran: Official Distortion and Disinformation, a guide to Iran’s Human Rights Crisis



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